Fichier de travail (INPUT) : ./DUMP-TEXT/utf8_2-4.txt
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Forme recherchée : socialmovements|industrialactions|socialmovement|industrialaction|mouvementsocial|mouvementssociaux|社會運動|社会运动
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Ligne n°12 : ...- Ligne n°13 : Existing work in the field |Â The trajectories of socialmovements|Â The women's movement and concepts of abeyance|Â This project's contribution to socialmovement theory |Â References
- Ligne n°13 : Existing work in the field |Â The trajectories of socialmovements|Â The women's movement and concepts of abeyance|Â This project's contribution to socialmovement theory |Â References
- Ligne n°17 : The interest of social scientists in non-institutional politics and social mobilisation increased after the rise of new forms of political action in the 1960s, when students and other middleclass radicals took to the streets. There was an upsurge in theorising about how and why such new collective actors were appearing on the scene, leading to two major bodies of socialmovement literature. One stems primarily from Europe and focuses on the production of new collective meanings and identities (Melucci 1989). The other stems primarily from North America and focuses on resource mobilisation by new collective actors and the opportunity structures that enabled this to take place (Tarrow 1994).
- Ligne n°19 : In recent years socialmovement theorists have combined these approaches with varying degrees of success, emphasising the discursive strategies of socialmovements, the ways in which they generate new frames for interpreting the world but also the ways in which they connect to existing frames (eg Meyer et al 2002). Successful discursive strategies (and they are not always successful) introduce persuasive new ways of viewing the world and place new issues onto the policy agenda.
- Ligne n°19 : In recent years socialmovement theorists have combined these approaches with varying degrees of success, emphasising the discursive strategies of socialmovements, the ways in which they generate new frames for interpreting the world but also the ways in which they connect to existing frames (eg Meyer et al 2002). Successful discursive strategies (and they are not always successful) introduce persuasive new ways of viewing the world and place new issues onto the policy agenda.
- Ligne n°21 : In the Australian context, Ian Marsh (2005) has argued that in recent decades all new issues have reached the policy agenda via new socialmovements. Following early work by Jan Pakulski (1991), Verity Burgmann (1993; 2003) has produced ground-breaking works mapping the emergence of new socialmovements in Australia and their role relative to that of other actors in generating social change. She covers the Aboriginal rights movement, the environment movement, the women's movement and, more recently, the anti-globalisation movement. Other important accounts that focus on the women's movement include those by Gisela Kaplan (1996) and Chilla Bulbeck (1997). These focus on the women's movement's intersection or lack of intersection with other movements, and its failure to adequately encompass Indigenous, migrant or working-class women. Marilyn Lake (1999) reaches further back to examine women's framing of policy claims over more than 100 years.
- Ligne n°21 : In the Australian context, Ian Marsh (2005) has argued that in recent decades all new issues have reached the policy agenda via new socialmovements. Following early work by Jan Pakulski (1991), Verity Burgmann (1993; 2003) has produced ground-breaking works mapping the emergence of new socialmovements in Australia and their role relative to that of other actors in generating social change. She covers the Aboriginal rights movement, the environment movement, the women's movement and, more recently, the anti-globalisation movement. Other important accounts that focus on the women's movement include those by Gisela Kaplan (1996) and Chilla Bulbeck (1997). These focus on the women's movement's intersection or lack of intersection with other movements, and its failure to adequately encompass Indigenous, migrant or working-class women. Marilyn Lake (1999) reaches further back to examine women's framing of policy claims over more than 100 years.
- Ligne n°23 : Another important strand of socialmovement theorising has focused on the repertoires of contestation used by socialmovements, how these change with the architecture of politics and how they are disseminated globally (Tilly 2004). North American scholars have often viewed the use of unconventional and disruptive repertoires of political action as a defining element of socialmovements, or at least as a heuristic device to distinguish them from other collective actors. Social movement theorists have recently challenged the idea that socialmovements are by definition involved in disruptive repertoires (McAdam et al 2005), particularly in relation to the women's movement (Staggenborg & Taylor 2005). The women's movement is seen by some as operating most characteristically at the level of everyday life and relationships, rather than through participation in collective protest (Mansbridge, forthcoming).Â
- Ligne n°23 : Another important strand of socialmovement theorising has focused on the repertoires of contestation used by socialmovements, how these change with the architecture of politics and how they are disseminated globally (Tilly 2004). North American scholars have often viewed the use of unconventional and disruptive repertoires of political action as a defining element of socialmovements, or at least as a heuristic device to distinguish them from other collective actors. Social movement theorists have recently challenged the idea that socialmovements are by definition involved in disruptive repertoires (McAdam et al 2005), particularly in relation to the women's movement (Staggenborg & Taylor 2005). The women's movement is seen by some as operating most characteristically at the level of everyday life and relationships, rather than through participation in collective protest (Mansbridge, forthcoming).Â
- Ligne n°23 : Another important strand of socialmovement theorising has focused on the repertoires of contestation used by socialmovements, how these change with the architecture of politics and how they are disseminated globally (Tilly 2004). North American scholars have often viewed the use of unconventional and disruptive repertoires of political action as a defining element of socialmovements, or at least as a heuristic device to distinguish them from other collective actors. Social movement theorists have recently challenged the idea that socialmovements are by definition involved in disruptive repertoires (McAdam et al 2005), particularly in relation to the women's movement (Staggenborg & Taylor 2005). The women's movement is seen by some as operating most characteristically at the level of everyday life and relationships, rather than through participation in collective protest (Mansbridge, forthcoming).Â
- Ligne n°23 : Another important strand of socialmovement theorising has focused on the repertoires of contestation used by socialmovements, how these change with the architecture of politics and how they are disseminated globally (Tilly 2004). North American scholars have often viewed the use of unconventional and disruptive repertoires of political action as a defining element of socialmovements, or at least as a heuristic device to distinguish them from other collective actors. Social movement theorists have recently challenged the idea that socialmovements are by definition involved in disruptive repertoires (McAdam et al 2005), particularly in relation to the women's movement (Staggenborg & Taylor 2005). The women's movement is seen by some as operating most characteristically at the level of everyday life and relationships, rather than through participation in collective protest (Mansbridge, forthcoming).Â
- Ligne n°29 : The socialmovement literature contains many hypotheses concerning the trajectories of socialmovements. The first is that there is a naturally short life span for intense socialmovement activism and engagement. This hypothesis received an influential form in Sidney Tarrow's (1994) life-cycle model of socialmovements. Social movements become possible within certain historical conjunctures, and by their nature as non-institutionalised forms of collective action cannot be sustained for very long. Their life cycles are limited by internal factors, which may relate to the volatility of emotions that drive non-institutionalised protest, such as rage at injustice (Goodwin et al 2001); and external factors, which can include the change to a less favourable political and social context where movement activism no longer has discernible returns.
- Ligne n°29 : The socialmovement literature contains many hypotheses concerning the trajectories of socialmovements. The first is that there is a naturally short life span for intense socialmovement activism and engagement. This hypothesis received an influential form in Sidney Tarrow's (1994) life-cycle model of socialmovements. Social movements become possible within certain historical conjunctures, and by their nature as non-institutionalised forms of collective action cannot be sustained for very long. Their life cycles are limited by internal factors, which may relate to the volatility of emotions that drive non-institutionalised protest, such as rage at injustice (Goodwin et al 2001); and external factors, which can include the change to a less favourable political and social context where movement activism no longer has discernible returns.
- Ligne n°29 : The socialmovement literature contains many hypotheses concerning the trajectories of socialmovements. The first is that there is a naturally short life span for intense socialmovement activism and engagement. This hypothesis received an influential form in Sidney Tarrow's (1994) life-cycle model of socialmovements. Social movements become possible within certain historical conjunctures, and by their nature as non-institutionalised forms of collective action cannot be sustained for very long. Their life cycles are limited by internal factors, which may relate to the volatility of emotions that drive non-institutionalised protest, such as rage at injustice (Goodwin et al 2001); and external factors, which can include the change to a less favourable political and social context where movement activism no longer has discernible returns.
- Ligne n°29 : The socialmovement literature contains many hypotheses concerning the trajectories of socialmovements. The first is that there is a naturally short life span for intense socialmovement activism and engagement. This hypothesis received an influential form in Sidney Tarrow's (1994) life-cycle model of socialmovements. Social movements become possible within certain historical conjunctures, and by their nature as non-institutionalised forms of collective action cannot be sustained for very long. Their life cycles are limited by internal factors, which may relate to the volatility of emotions that drive non-institutionalised protest, such as rage at injustice (Goodwin et al 2001); and external factors, which can include the change to a less favourable political and social context where movement activism no longer has discernible returns.
- Ligne n°31 : The second hypothesis is that socialmovements that succeed in achieving their aims change into something else—for example, through opening up new opportunities in the power structure or in professional careers for those they have mobilised. Movement from the streets into the corridors of power may be regarded 'the long march through the institutions' on the one hand or co-option on the other. The transformation of socialmovements into 'something else' may also create a new constellation of institutions reflecting movement values and perspectives—for example the institutionalising of women's movement values in women's services such as domestic violence refuges (Bagguley 2002) or the unobtrusive mobilization of women within mainstream institutions and vocational bodies (Katzenstein 1990). The 'submerged networks' created by socialmovements may sustain cultural change within communities and within daily life.
- Ligne n°31 : The second hypothesis is that socialmovements that succeed in achieving their aims change into something else—for example, through opening up new opportunities in the power structure or in professional careers for those they have mobilised. Movement from the streets into the corridors of power may be regarded 'the long march through the institutions' on the one hand or co-option on the other. The transformation of socialmovements into 'something else' may also create a new constellation of institutions reflecting movement values and perspectives—for example the institutionalising of women's movement values in women's services such as domestic violence refuges (Bagguley 2002) or the unobtrusive mobilization of women within mainstream institutions and vocational bodies (Katzenstein 1990). The 'submerged networks' created by socialmovements may sustain cultural change within communities and within daily life.
- Ligne n°31 : The second hypothesis is that socialmovements that succeed in achieving their aims change into something else—for example, through opening up new opportunities in the power structure or in professional careers for those they have mobilised. Movement from the streets into the corridors of power may be regarded 'the long march through the institutions' on the one hand or co-option on the other. The transformation of socialmovements into 'something else' may also create a new constellation of institutions reflecting movement values and perspectives—for example the institutionalising of women's movement values in women's services such as domestic violence refuges (Bagguley 2002) or the unobtrusive mobilization of women within mainstream institutions and vocational bodies (Katzenstein 1990). The 'submerged networks' created by socialmovements may sustain cultural change within communities and within daily life.
- Ligne n°33 : The third hypothesis is that cognitive frames shift so markedly in a post-modern era that collective action to achieve social goals no longer appears a real option, as collective identities become fragmented and socialmovement mobilisation is delegitimised. New cognitive frames that stress individual market choices and cultural consumption become dominant, overshadowing the values of collective action (Sawer 2006). The ability to 'speak for' shared identities and values is called into question as the fragmented and contingent nature of identity makes the assumption of shared values problematic. This loss of faith in collective identities removes the political base for claims-making and enables the dismantling of socialmovement policy gains and policy structures.
- Ligne n°33 : The third hypothesis is that cognitive frames shift so markedly in a post-modern era that collective action to achieve social goals no longer appears a real option, as collective identities become fragmented and socialmovement mobilisation is delegitimised. New cognitive frames that stress individual market choices and cultural consumption become dominant, overshadowing the values of collective action (Sawer 2006). The ability to 'speak for' shared identities and values is called into question as the fragmented and contingent nature of identity makes the assumption of shared values problematic. This loss of faith in collective identities removes the political base for claims-making and enables the dismantling of socialmovement policy gains and policy structures.
- Ligne n°35 : The fourth hypothesis is that the emotion cultures of socialmovements may sustain groups after broader mobilisation recedes—in other words, socialmovement organisations may be sustained by close friendships based on shared values (Taylor 1989). Within abeyance structures the meanings and identities produced by socialmovements may be preserved through periods when the political environment is unreceptive, and provide continuity from one stage of mobilisation to another (Rupp and Taylor 1987). This hypothesis leads to another—that activism during the downturn is the foundation for later success (Maddison and Scalmer 2006). In other words, there will be a third wave of women's movement mobilisation and it will have some identifiable continuity with earlier waves.
- Ligne n°35 : The fourth hypothesis is that the emotion cultures of socialmovements may sustain groups after broader mobilisation recedes—in other words, socialmovement organisations may be sustained by close friendships based on shared values (Taylor 1989). Within abeyance structures the meanings and identities produced by socialmovements may be preserved through periods when the political environment is unreceptive, and provide continuity from one stage of mobilisation to another (Rupp and Taylor 1987). This hypothesis leads to another—that activism during the downturn is the foundation for later success (Maddison and Scalmer 2006). In other words, there will be a third wave of women's movement mobilisation and it will have some identifiable continuity with earlier waves.
- Ligne n°35 : The fourth hypothesis is that the emotion cultures of socialmovements may sustain groups after broader mobilisation recedes—in other words, socialmovement organisations may be sustained by close friendships based on shared values (Taylor 1989). Within abeyance structures the meanings and identities produced by socialmovements may be preserved through periods when the political environment is unreceptive, and provide continuity from one stage of mobilisation to another (Rupp and Taylor 1987). This hypothesis leads to another—that activism during the downturn is the foundation for later success (Maddison and Scalmer 2006). In other words, there will be a third wave of women's movement mobilisation and it will have some identifiable continuity with earlier waves.
- Ligne n°39 : The media assumption that the women's movement was 'over', which became common in the 1980s, relied on a definition of a socialmovement tied to particular repertoires of action. However, as we have seen, these may not be characteristic of women's movements. The idea that a socialmovement might be 'over' when it was no longer visibly engaged in public contestation did not coincide with feminist views that there had always been a women's movement over the past century (Spender 1983; Lake 1999). In response to such dilemmas of how to define socialmovements and whether socialmovements could still be said to exist when they became relatively unobtrusive, social theorists began to develop the concept of socialmovement abeyance (Taylor 1989).
- Ligne n°39 : The media assumption that the women's movement was 'over', which became common in the 1980s, relied on a definition of a socialmovement tied to particular repertoires of action. However, as we have seen, these may not be characteristic of women's movements. The idea that a socialmovement might be 'over' when it was no longer visibly engaged in public contestation did not coincide with feminist views that there had always been a women's movement over the past century (Spender 1983; Lake 1999). In response to such dilemmas of how to define socialmovements and whether socialmovements could still be said to exist when they became relatively unobtrusive, social theorists began to develop the concept of socialmovement abeyance (Taylor 1989).
- Ligne n°39 : The media assumption that the women's movement was 'over', which became common in the 1980s, relied on a definition of a socialmovement tied to particular repertoires of action. However, as we have seen, these may not be characteristic of women's movements. The idea that a socialmovement might be 'over' when it was no longer visibly engaged in public contestation did not coincide with feminist views that there had always been a women's movement over the past century (Spender 1983; Lake 1999). In response to such dilemmas of how to define socialmovements and whether socialmovements could still be said to exist when they became relatively unobtrusive, social theorists began to develop the concept of socialmovement abeyance (Taylor 1989).
- Ligne n°39 : The media assumption that the women's movement was 'over', which became common in the 1980s, relied on a definition of a socialmovement tied to particular repertoires of action. However, as we have seen, these may not be characteristic of women's movements. The idea that a socialmovement might be 'over' when it was no longer visibly engaged in public contestation did not coincide with feminist views that there had always been a women's movement over the past century (Spender 1983; Lake 1999). In response to such dilemmas of how to define socialmovements and whether socialmovements could still be said to exist when they became relatively unobtrusive, social theorists began to develop the concept of socialmovement abeyance (Taylor 1989).
- Ligne n°39 : The media assumption that the women's movement was 'over', which became common in the 1980s, relied on a definition of a socialmovement tied to particular repertoires of action. However, as we have seen, these may not be characteristic of women's movements. The idea that a socialmovement might be 'over' when it was no longer visibly engaged in public contestation did not coincide with feminist views that there had always been a women's movement over the past century (Spender 1983; Lake 1999). In response to such dilemmas of how to define socialmovements and whether socialmovements could still be said to exist when they became relatively unobtrusive, social theorists began to develop the concept of socialmovement abeyance (Taylor 1989).
- Ligne n°47 : This project's contribution to socialmovement theory
- Ligne n°49 : The evidence generated by the three other strands of the project (events, institutions, discourse) will be used to test existing propositions concerning lifecycles and repertoires of movements. The project will also seek to develop criteria, usable for single-country and comparative work, to assess whether socialmovements are flourishing, in abeyance, or 'over'.Â
- Ligne n°51 : The development of criteria whereby a socialmovement might be judged to be in abeyance or actually over will build on the varying conceptualisations of abeyance in international socialmovement theory. It will also draw on the empirical event data and discursive and institutional evidence produced by the project to move abeyance theorising forward and ensure its applicability to countries where the women's movement has taken a more institutionalised form.
- Ligne n°51 : The development of criteria whereby a socialmovement might be judged to be in abeyance or actually over will build on the varying conceptualisations of abeyance in international socialmovement theory. It will also draw on the empirical event data and discursive and institutional evidence produced by the project to move abeyance theorising forward and ensure its applicability to countries where the women's movement has taken a more institutionalised form.
- Ligne n°55 : Bagguley, Paul (2002). 'Contemporary British feminism: A socialmovement in abeyance?' Social Movement Studies, 1 (2), 169–85.
- Ligne n°83 : Maddison, Sarah (2007). 'Feminist perspectives on socialmovement research'. In Sharlene Hesse-Biber (ed),Handbook of feminist research: Theory and praxis. Sage, 391–407.
- Ligne n°95 : McAdam, Doug et al (2005). '"There will be fighting in the streets": The distorting lens of socialmovement theory', Mobilization, 10 (1), 1–18.
- Ligne n°103 : Rucht, Dieter (2003). 'Interactions between socialmovements and state in comparative perspective'. In Lee Ann Banaszak, Karen Beckwith & Dieter Rucht, Women's Movements Facing the Reconfigured State. Cambridge University Press.