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Internet Control Issues: It's Not Just China
Sarah Lacy
View Staff Page Follow me on Twitter
Sarah Lacy writes for PandoDaily, a news site which she founded. She is
also an award winning journalist and author of two critically acclaimed
books, “Once You’re Lucky, Twice You’re Good: The Rebirth of Silicon
Valley and the Rise of Web 2.0” (Gotham Books, May 2008) and
“Brilliant, Crazy, Cocky: How the Top 1% of Entrepreneurs Profit from
Global Chaos... → Learn More
Thursday, September 23rd, 2010
Comments
Fighting international cyber-terrorism isn’t easy, but it’s a mission
on which we can all agree, right? Not so fast.
Russia has been pushing a proposal in The United Nations agency for
information technology, which describes the greatest cyber-threat not
as hacking or stealing but as using the Internet to spread ideas that
might undermine a country. Russia wants any such use of the Internet
classified as “aggression,” and hence illegal under the UN Charter.
Sounds like China right? Yes, but check out this awfully teal map of
countries that agree. It seems that a lot of the world seems more
aligned with the Chinese view of controlling any information that may
be considered subversive than they’re aligned with the high-minded
Western ideals of freedom of speech and access to information. Most
notably they include the other BRICs: India, Brazil and Russia. In
fact, it’s Brazil that has asked Google to remove more content from the
Web than any other nation this year. Brazil made more than double the
requests of the next closest country, Libya.
NPR covered the story this morning, but it’s not a new shift in
thinking. Russia has actually tried to introduce this
information-arms-control-like agreement every year since 1998. So why
do we only jump up and down about China? Presumably, under Russia’s
proposition, Iran could hold Twitter accountable for giving people the
ability to change their avatars to green or any Middle Eastern country
could hold Facebook accountable for providing a platform by which
people de-radicalize potential suicide bombers.
It’s a delicate issue for the US diplomatically and inside the US– way
bigger than “Googlegate” because, well, I refer you again to the map.
The issue doesn’t seem to be about different political systems, but
rather different levels of stabilization in more chaotic emerging
markets. Near-unfettered Internet freedoms aren’t always as high a
priority in these countries, not because they’re evil, but because
there are more pressing problems of gun violence, terrorism, or a
paucity of food, water, jobs and basic infrastructure.
I usually try not to get into a lather about protecting Internet
freedoms in other countries, because I don’t think it’s the job of
private sector tech companies who are supposed to be international to
act as tools to enforce Western-style democracy. Freedom and democracy
are two different things. Some “democratic” countries I’ve reported in
are more repressive in day-to-day life than other authoritarian
countries. In addition, I believe that Google would have done more good
by staying in China and working within the system than pulling out with
a pouty “We don’t like their laws” as Eric Schmidt said on the Colbert
Report this week. (To which Colbert astutely asked how long did it took
for Google to start disliking China’s laws.)
But this is something different. It’s not about whether other countries
should be allowed to control what happens within their borders and
whether US companies simply chose to do business there or not, based on
local laws. At stake are new rules that would bring international
United Nations justification to draw sovereign boundaries around many
different Internets. At stake is making it OK to build powerful new Web
2.0 technologies like Facebook and Twitter at the borders of the
Western world– not with an easy-to-circumvent Great Firewall but with
internationally-accepted rules against freedom of information and
expression. Talk about unintended consequences in a debate we thought
was about identity theft and hacking.
On a more crass, business note, this could have a chilling impact on US
Internet companies expansion into lucrative emerging markets. So far
China is the only country that’s developed larger audiences for its own
homegrown Internet companies than US versions in almost every category.
That makes not only political sense but business sense because China is
so culturally and linguistically different and the market is so much
more advanced in terms of entrepreneurship, venture capital and the
wild-west IPO markets of Shanghai, Hong Kong and the new Startup Board
in Shenzhen.
But so far, US companies do better in many categories in India and
Indonesia– because the Internet has grown slower giving less
opportunity for locals to build big companies and more challenges with
monetization. When the percentage of the population online is this
small, frequently the people online are city-dwelling, affluent
multinational employees or office workers who also speak English,
making the need for, say, a local-grown Hindi Facebook a lot less
immediate. And on a platform like Twitter, there are even fewer
cultural and language restrictions because the site is so simple, how
people use it localizes it.
But comparatively isolationist countries like Russia and Brazil could
easily fork off with a more local versions of sites dominating as their
markets grow. It’s not hard to see how local, business pressures could
drive this diplomacy around blocking ideas on Western sites– they way
some people allege it already has in China. And–on a more banal level
than the future of freedom in the world–that would be disastrous for
older Web companies in the US counting on emerging markets to grow.
This problem is not going to go away– and not just because Russia
appears to introduce it every year. By 2050, the US will be the only G7
nation that is still one of the largest nations in the world. Its
testament to the sheer size and resilience of the “world’s only
Superpower” that we’ll still be no. 2. At least we’ll still have a
strong say in the way the world runs. But sharing power with modern,
emerging markets that have had a totally different history and
experience with the 20th century will likely take the bulk of the 21st
century to figure out– especially when it comes to border-less
technology issues like the environment and the Internet.
I criticized Groupon last week for running too fast with its
international strategy before it had stabilized its lock on the US
market. But the flipside of that argument is that at least Groupon
executives are getting a better picture of what the Internet will look
like in this new world.
Tags: brazil, censorship, China, india, russia
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