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[50]Asia
Will Burma Become Asiaâs Next Economic Tiger?
By [51]Michael SchumanAug. 22, 2012[52]0
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Burma Economy
STR / AFP / Getty Images
People walk through a small bazaar at the Golden Rock temple in Burma's
northeastern city of Kyaiktiyo, some 160 km from Rangoon, on Feb. 20,
2012
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On paper at least, [69]Burma has all the elements required to create
another Asian economic miracle. With a population of 48 million, the
country has a large pool of low-cost workers custom-made to attract the
labor-intensive manufacturing that jump-started income growth from
[70]South Korea to Malaysia. Natural resources, such as timber and
minerals, could woo billions in foreign investment. And its strategic
position nestled between China and India could turn Burma into a prime
location for tapping into the megagrowth of those two Asian giants.
Translating that promise into real dollars isnât going to be easy,
however. Lots of nations possess the potential for economic greatness.
The problem is that few are ever able to realize it. Burma has been a
case study in that failure. For 50 years now, Burma has been one of
Asiaâs great disappointments. After [71]World War II, it was one of the
regionâs richest nations; today, it has sunk to among its poorest.
Behind the woes is crushingly awful economic management by a military
dictatorship that brutalized and isolated the country. While its
neighbors Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia joined the ranks
of Asiaâs tiger economies, Burma wallowed in poverty, penalized by
sanctions and impoverished by an unwillingness to reform politically or
economically.
(PHOTOS: [72]Burmaâs Aung San Suu Kyi Makes Her Parliamentary Debut)
In recent months, though, a nascent democratic awakening has raised
hopes among Asiaâs business community that Burma could finally become
the attractive place to invest it has always promised to be. The
long-suffering pro-democracy opposition was permitted to contest
parliamentary by-elections in April. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung
San Suu Kyi, who was released from house arrest in November 2010, was
allowed to campaign for a seat in the legislature, which she won. That
liberalization has convinced the U.S. and the E.U. to start lifting
economic sanctions that had been imposed on the country.
The political reform has opened the door to achieving a real economic
revival. Now that Burma has come in from the cold, it can start in
earnest to woo the foreign investment it so badly needs. There is a
window of opportunity here. China has been the 400-kg gorilla of Asia
for years, sucking up vast sums of investment, especially in the
low-end manufacturing that could create much needed jobs in Burma. But
as costs rise rapidly in the Middle Kingdom, businesses are looking for
new, cheaper destinations for their factories. Burma could very well
fill the void.
(MORE: [73]Treatment of Muslim Rohingya Minority Shows Burma Has a Long
Way to Go)
Still, Burma might find that the cash it desires wonât come so easily.
Burma, officially known as Myanmar, finds itself way, way, way behind
its neighbors in development. As my colleague Hannah Beech put it in a
recent [74]magazine story on Burma: âIn economic terms, the country is
aspiring just to become a Bangladesh.â Burma lacks the infrastructure,
sound regulatory environment and trained workforce to attract foreign
investment in large sums. Burma âhas very strong potential, but before
realizing that potential, it has to tackle challenges to its
development,â says Asian Development Bank (ADB) economist Cyn-Young
Park.
A [75]report she wrote for the ADB, released on Monday, didnât mince
words when outlining these hurdles:
Myanmar also faces multiple constraints and risks that may limit its
progress. Key constraints include a weak macroeconomic-management
framework devoid of market mechanisms, insufficient fiscal resources
and inefficient domestic-fund mobilization, limited access to
finance, deficient infrastructure, inadequate social services that
hamper human-capital development and limited industrial
diversification.
If that sounds daunting, it is. There has already been some progress,
however. In April, the government reformed its currency system,
allowing for a single, market-determined exchange rate, which will help
stabilize the climate for investment. But thatâs just a start. The
government has to marshal funds for investment in new roads and other
infrastructure so manufacturers could get their products to markets
around the world. More money is needed to beef up the nationâs schools
to upgrade the quality of the workforce. Burma âhas to invest in its
future,â says Park. Achieving that will entail reform of the government
itself, so that it can raise revenues and spend them more efficiently.
(MORE: [76]As Rangoon Races Forward, a Push to Preserve Its
Architectural Past)
Even more, Burma needs to create the legal framework for a functioning
market economy. After being cut off in its own alternate economic
universe for decades, the country simply lacks the clear rules and
regulations foreign companies require to safely and confidently invest.
My colleague [77]Emily Rauhala found that out in April, when she
[78]attended a seminar for investors held in Hong Kong by the Burmese
government. The room was packed with businesspeople, who peppered the
government representatives with questions. Can foreigners own property?
Will state companies play fair? The answers that came back were less
than satisfying. Often, the officials had no clear response. Burma has
to put in place âthe basics for the market to function,â says Park. âIt
is going to take a while for the government to be fully adjusted to the
market system.â
That may be the biggest question facing the future of Burma. Achieving
all these reforms and implementing the necessary policies requires a
certain degree of expertise on the part of the government â in Burmaâs
case, an expertise that could well be lacking. Stephen Groff, a vice
president at ADB, says that âthe will to move forward is very strongâ
but âthe challenge is: How do you build the competency quickly?â Groff
says there is a core group of economic experts surrounding the senior
leaders, but âafter that, it gets really thin really quickly.â The
inexperience of Burmaâs bureaucracy in running a modern economy could
easily derail the implementation of new national policies. âIn order
for the reform effort to be sustained, it has to grow roots,â Groff
says.
Still, there is reason for continued hope. If Burma manages to overcome
these hurdles, its potential is undeniable. ADB estimates that growth
could reach 7% or 8% annually, and per capita income could triple by
2030. After so many decades in the wilderness, such a performance would
finally make Burma roar.
MORE: [79]Titanic 3-D First Hollywood Film Released in Burma in a
Generation
11 comments
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RobertSF
RobertSF 5pts
There's no reason why Myanmar (why does the article use the former
name?) should become an economic tiger. Sure, it has millions of
low-cost workers, but so what? There's no shortage of low-cost workers
in China. China is actually slowing down because Western nations can't
continue consuming like they have. Is Myanmar going to get into a labor
price war with China? It's welcome to it, but that's not going to bring
prosperity.
tosty
tosty 5pts
Burma government first needs to stop killing innocent people of Islamic
religion
doing terrible crimes that can be called genocide
While some leader have the Nobel Peace Prize and called Democrats
tosty
tosty 5pts
Burma government first needs to stop killing innocent people of Islamic
religion
doing terrible crimes that can be called genocide
While some leader have  the Nobel Peace Prize and called Democrats
tosty
tosty 5pts
Burma government first needs to stop killing innocent people of Islamic
religion
doing terrible crimes that can be called genocide
While some leader have the Nobel Peace Prize and called Democrats
Pone Z Pyo
Pone Z Pyo 5pts
come on... drop the lies already. Everyone knows no fact about Rohingya
that came out from Pakistan is real.
tma_sierrahills
tma_sierrahills 5pts
One of the central problems of Burma/Myanmar is that no one can agree
on what to call it.Â
adam_onge
adam_onge 5pts
 So just like
Finland/Suomi, Germany/Deutschland, Greek/Hellas, Hungary/Magyarorszag,
Austria/Ãstereich, China/Zhuongguoa, Japan/Nippon, Spain/Espagne,
Ceylon/SriLanka, Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, Switzerland/Schweiz,
Sweden/Sverige, ...
tma_sierrahills
tma_sierrahills 5pts
Then it is journalists you will need to talk to, because for several
years I have been reading many news accounts that have been including
the phrase after Myanmar, "formerly known as Burma." Now they are
back to a straightforward use of Burma (which I kind of like). To say
that a nation is known by two names, one in its home language and one
internationally, or by people in Western nations, versus saying that a
nation's official name has been changed by the people in charge are two
completely different things. Spain and Espagne/Espana are the same
nation. But, as far as I know, Rhodesia no longer exists, and I have to
wonder if Zimbabwe does not translate into
"Black-on-White-Farmer-Slaughterhouse." Finally, when it is a matter of
language, like Spain or Sweden, each nation has far more than two
names, since there are about 6,000 languages in the world.Â
rory2012
rory2012 5pts
Burma is on the spotlight because the West wants you be there for the
time being due to the Chinese factor. Once come to the returns of their
investment consideration,you are long way off their target so yourÂ
poverty will continue.You name will be drawn to attention again
whenever the Chinese card played by the West again.
omegafrontier
omegafrontier 5pts
Oh yes, how could Burma not see that Western nations are using them as
a satellite state! It fits all together perfectly now. It explains
why Burma leadership suddenly and voluntarily open up asking for
Western nations partnership. That's why the presence of China in
Burma is more than any country in the world. It's a TRAP by Western
nations to turn on those poor, misunderstood Chinese communists. Man,
can you believe these so ever calculating Western leaders who couldn't
fix their debt crises but is able to manipulate a foreign nation
against its interests.Â
Ben_300cg
Ben_300cg 5pts
A very informative article. I hope it touches the heart of potential
reformists in Burma and the world.
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[5]Burma
A race to reform? Or a race to profit?
by Avaaz Team - posted 16 October 2012 17:27
[6]Tweet
A Burmese child waits for Aung San Suu Kyi's arrival
What does the future hold for the people of Burma? (AFP/Getty)
Burma’s transition from international pariah to poster child for
democratic change has happened remarkably quickly. Or has it?
The US, EU and other world powers have been quick to reward Burma's
once-notorious regime for a series of dramatic, positive reforms.
Diplomatic channels have been opened up for the first time in decades,
many economic sanctions have been lifted and there's been a surge in
international investment.
But the country’s weak rule of law, rampant corruption and terrible
treatment of minority groups are often glazed over in the rush to
invest in the "new" Burma. This week, the government [7]barred a global
Islamic body from opening an office to help members of Burma's Muslim
population, who are suffering from horrifying communal violence in the
west of the country.
Is Burma at the beginning of a new era of democracy, or have reforms
simply given the new government a cover to boost business – and foreign
investors a chance to profit?
On a path to reform
The Burmese regime, aiming to end its global isolation and seeking
foreign investment to breathe life into its stagnant economy, has gone
to great lengths to prove it is changing.
After five decades of military rule and repression, the past eight
months have brought dramatic reforms, including the [8]release of 700
political prisoners, the abolishment of a [9]long-standing censorship
rule that required all journalists to submit their work for review
before publication, and President Thein Sein’s [10]shake-up of his
cabinet.
In September, as opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi began her [11]first
tour of the US since being released from house arrest, and Thein Sein
prepared to attend his first UN general assembly in New York, the
government pardoned 500 more prisoners.
The international response has been swift. In recent months most
economic sanctions have been [12]suspended or eased. The World Bank and
the Asian Development Bank have opened offices in Burma, Japan waived
$3.7bn in unpaid debt, and a number of countries have announced
significant increases in aid.
Last month, Aung San Suu Kyi – reportedly under pressure from her
government – gave the US the go-ahead to drop its major remaining
sanction: a ban on all Burmese imports. It worked. Then, this week, the
US [13]sent a delegation of senior military officials to build closer
ties with the Burmese military.
But who will get rich?
The less good news is this. Despite an end to total military rule, much
of Burma's [14]population continues to suffer: after decades of
isolation, the economy remains one of the [15]least developed in the
world, with one-third of its people living below the poverty line. The
nation rates second to last (behind North Korea) in healthcare spending
per capita and in 2011 it was ranked the [16]fourth most corrupt
country in the world by Transparency International.
Burma has many natural resources, especially natural gas reserves and
gems – making it an [17]appealing trading partner for the west. But
until now, the Burmese people have seen almost none of the economic
benefits of the country's vast natural wealth.
China had been Burma's largest foreign investor to date, but the new
government is eager to promote growth (and [18]less reliance on China)
by courting other foreign investment.
Major corporations are now scrambling to jump on the bandwagon. Just
after the US eased sanctions on Burma in June, it brought in a [19]slew
of major US companies – Chevron, General Electric (GE), Goldman Sachs
and Google, to name a few – to begin exploring investment
opportunities. Days later, GE became the first US company to sign a
deal, and Coca-Cola and Pepsi have been the latest companies to
announce they’ll start doing business in the country.
However, the military still controls Burma’s largest companies. So will
anyone other than the elite benefit from investment?
Battles still being fought
For the millions who are from ethnic minorities – hundreds of thousands
of whom have been displaced by decades of conflict – the answer seems
to be no. They still suffer [20]widespread discrimination, and the
regions they live in have been ravaged by conflict. For decades, these
groups have been fighting for the political rights they were denied
under military rule – and many of those battles continue today.
One of these groups is the Rohingya, a persecuted Muslim community that
has been stripped of basic human rights and [21]denied Burmese
citizenship, despite having lived in the area for more than 150 years.
Currently, 800,000 Rohingya Muslims are stateless in the west of the
country, where [22]clashes have killed at least 77 people and left
90,000 homeless since June. And this week the government made it quite
clear that it didn't intend to change its policies when it
[23]prohibited the Organisation of Islamic Conference from opening an
office to provide desperately needed help to the Rohingya community.
In the north, a 17-year ceasefire collapsed with the ethnic Kachin
rebels in 2011. In recent months alone at least 75,000 people have been
displaced by fighting; according to human rights groups the Burmese
army has been [24]attacking civilian areas and using torture, rape and
murder to clamp down on the uprising. Although the government has
pledged to resolve the conflict and President Thein Sein reported that
"informal consultations" had started again with the Kachin, too little
is being done – and vast numbers of [25]people continue to suffer.
And in the east, conflict between the Burmese military and the Karen
minority has endured for decades. Peace talks earlier this year
prompted optimism, but large numbers [26]remain displaced and violence
continues today. Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) found that almost
one-third of households it surveyed in the area had been subjected to
[27]horrific treatment like forced labour, forced displacement or
physical attacks in the past year.
PHR also found that in areas near development projects, these outrages
were much more common – sparking fear that without proper safeguards,
an investment gold rush may actually cause minority communities [28]to
suffer even more in the future.
Take this chance
"Before history gets totally rewritten, it’s worth making a couple of
points," a [29]Washington Post editorial cautions. "One is that
generals and ex-generals still run Burma, as generals have been running
Burma for the past half-century. The stirrings of reform that have
allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to travel and that prompted the United States
to lift pretty much the last of its economic sanctions last week, are
only that: stirrings. There is no rule of law, no independent
judiciary."
This underlines a key reality. Truly positive and long-lasting change
won't be achieved until Burma as a whole – including its ethnic
minorities – sees the benefits of foreign investment in their daily
lives.
The country is at a crossroads. Now it's up to rest of the world to
act: to urge leaders and companies to act responsibly; and to insist
that the easing of sanctions and more investment in Burma must be
contingent upon its fair treatment of all its citizens. Until this
happens, the big Burma gold rush could hurt more people than it helps.
Sources: BBC, Reuters, Avaaz, CNN, Politico, Mizzima, Transparency
International, Economist, VOA, Forbes, Nation, Al Jazeera, Irrawaddy,
Physicians for Human Rights, Global Post, Washington Post
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[45]Obama’s magical mystery tour
[46]The US president is visiting Thailand, Burma and Cambodia. Here are
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[49]A problem Burma can't hide
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[52]Obama is sworn in on Martin Luther King Jr day – but how far have
we come? ...
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[47]Burma: Asia’s Next Tiger Economy?
[48]Economy[49]Southeast Asia[50]Burma
March 31, 2012
By Rajiv Biswas
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Burma is at a crossroads, politically and economically. Will it become
Asia’s new economic tiger or remain isolated from the global economy?
Burma: Asia’s Next Tiger Economy?
Related Features
All eyes are on Burma’s [55]elections on April 1, a test of its
commitment to democratic reform. The quicker the government can
reform, the quicker the U.S. and EU sanctions might ease and the
quicker its growth will accelerate.
These are the first elections for more than twenty years to include
opposition party the National League for Democracy, led by Aung
Sang Suu Kyi. [56]The U.S. has already started restoring full
diplomatic relations with Burma, in recognition of its ongoing
political reforms. As U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon [57]said
last week, Burmais giving “a strong sense of hope and expectation
for the international community.”
The unleashing of Burma’s economy could boost regional growth and
intra-ASEAN trade and investment. As it is, Burma’s GDP growth rate
is projected to average around 6 per cent per year until 2020, with
GDP doubling to $124 billion by 2020, according to IHS Global
Insight forecasts.
The domestic consumer market is expected to grow rapidly, creating
a fast-growing market for exports of goods and services from other
ASEAN countries. Burma’s population is, after all, the fourth
largest in ASEAN, at around 50 million people.
But the pace of [58]Burma’s economic growth could be even faster if
driven by more rapid economic reforms. A key risk to this more
rapid growth would be rising inflationary pressures, as rapid
growth and investment creates supply bottlenecks and wage
pressures. Inflation is already estimated to have averaged around 9
percent in 2011, and is forecast to average around 10 percent in
2012.
Burma, like other ASEAN countries, has agreed to the tariff
liberalization timetable under the ASEAN Free Trade Area agreement.
From an economic perspective, Burma’s economic reforms and tariff
liberalization will be important to ASEAN’s objective to create a
single market for trade in goods by 2015.
Still, there are several important steps ahead for Burma.
A key macroeconomic reform will be the planned implementation of a
unified exchange rate from April 1, as Burma moves to a managed
float that will help to reduce market distortions and boost export
competitiveness.
Burma’s draft investment bill could accelerate investment, with
provisions for a five-year tax holiday for foreign investors, 100
percent profit repatriation allowances, and government guarantees
against nationalization.Other key features include foreigners
having the right to lease land; foreigners no longer needing a
local partner to set up businesses; and joint ventures could be set
up with at least 35 percent foreign capital participation.
Unskilled labour employed by foreign companies would have to be 100
percent local, while domestic skilled workers would have to make up
at least 25 percent of a firm’s operations after the first 5 years,
50 percent after 10 years, and 75 percent after 15 years.
The oil and gas resources of Burma have significant potential for
future development, with Burma currently producing oil, condensate
and natural gas. There’s ongoing exploration and development both
onshore and offshore, with both an oil pipeline and a natural gas
pipeline currently under construction from Burma’s Arakan coast to
southern China at a total cost of $2.5 billion. A number of oil
companies from Asian countries are currently exploring for oil and
gas in Burma. Recent Burma government estimates of natural gas
reserves are 22.5 trillion cubic feet, indicating substantial
future development potential.
The agricultural sector has considerable potential for further
development with the potential for Burma to significantly improve
rice export earnings over the medium-term, through agricultural
technology such as improving rice yields, better cropping
techniques, as well as the impact of market liberalization
measures.
Tourism flows, meanwhile, have already picked up, while
business-related foreign visits have increased sharply due to
heightened investor interest.
Burma remains heavily dependent on imported manufactures from
China, yet economic reforms, rapid growth in domestic demand and
increased foreign investment could result in the rapid growth of
the low-value added manufacturing sector, helped by relatively low
wage costs.
Transition towards a more market-driven economy will itself create
challenges, as Vietnam and others would no doubt agree. Some of the
key challenges facing Burma are the need to improve the business
climate, reform the state-owned enterprises, develop the financial
sector, and undertake vital corporate governance and
anti-corruption initiatives.
One of the immediate priorities is the need to accelerate the
development of the financial sector, in order to provide
intermediation for economic development. This will require
significant liberalization of the financial sector, so as to allow
foreign financial institutions to rapidly play a role in providing
financial services for the economic development of Burma.
This goes hand in hand with closer co-operation with the IMF, World
Bank and the Asian Development Bank in Burma’s economic development
planning, with positive signs already in this area following
Burma’s co-operation with the IMF on its [59]exchange rate reform
process.
[60]Burma’s economy could emerge as the next ASEAN Tiger economy,
despite the political and economic challenges, if the Burmese
government continues to pursue its reform agenda. This will be a
significant positive boost to the ASEAN region and to realizing the
long-term objectives of the [61]ASEAN Economic Community.
After decades of economic isolation, the reforms being introduced
are set to bring significant improvements in the living standards
of the people of Burma – the government just needs to make sure it
can keep up the rapid pace of reforms that it has embarked upon.
Rajiv Biswas is the Asia-Pacific Chief Economist for IHS Global
Insight. The macroeconomic data cited here is sourced from research
and reports from IHS.com.
Photo Credit: [62]Steve Evans
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Rodney Shipley
April 5, 2012 at 8:02 am
What is he big deal. I think Apple has bigger numbers than
that. Media blows things out of proportion.
[79]Reply
2.
minanda
April 24, 2012 at 12:37 am
God Bless You Aung Sang Suu Kyi
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8:40
[55]Summing Up the Mood at the World Economic Forum
Myanmar Gets Record Investment After Years of Isolation: Energy
By Rakteem Katakey - 2012-09-17T08:25:31Z
Myanmar, shunned since the 1990s for tolerating corruption and human
trafficking, is set for record foreign investment in 2012 led by
[56]oil companies after the southeast Asian nation took its first steps
toward democracy.
The country plans its biggest auction of exploration blocks for oil and
gas by year-end. [57]Oil & Natural Gas Corp. (ONGC) of India probably
will bid, an ONGC executive said in an interview. This month France’s
[58]Total SA (FP), one of the few foreign companies that operated under
the old dictatorship, said it bought 40 percent of an offshore permit,
while Coca-Cola Co. made its first shipment in more than 60 years to
Yangon, the biggest city.
“Myanmar is very under-explored,” said Managing Director D.K. Sarraf of
ONGC Videsh Ltd., the Indian oil company’s overseas unit. “We think
there are large reserves of both oil and gas that are yet to be found,”
Sarraf said by phone from New Delhi. “We expect intense competition for
assets there.”
The U.S. dropped economic sanctions in July after elections and other
democratic moves, and the International Monetary Fund forecast direct
foreign investment into the country formerly known as [59]Burma will
rise 40 percent to a record $3.99 billion this year. Natural gas is
Myanmar’s biggest revenue earner, and without new discoveries it will
struggle to reverse an average 15 percent annual depletion in reserves
of the commodity.
Cameron Visit
President [60]Barack Obama in July authorized U.S. businesses to invest
in Myanmar after President Thein Sein started a democratic process that
saw opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi elected to parliament following
years of house arrest and prompted visits by U.K. Prime Minister
[61]David Cameron and India’s [62]Manmohan Singh.
The deals carry extra risk for investors in a nation sandwiched between
China and India that’s seeking to emerge from 50 years of economic and
political isolation. Ranked [63]No. 180 of 183 nations in Transparency
International’s 2011 corruption index, Thein Sein’s government will be
challenged to find a balance between attracting capital and limiting a
flood of money from mostly benefiting an elite.
“Companies will be careful before investing because many policies are
still very uncertain, and once in place there’s no certainty they won’t
change,” Andrew Gilholm, Singapore-based head of Asia analysis at
Control Risks, a global business risk consultancy which also advises
companies investing in Myanmar, said in an interview in New Delhi Sept.
13. “A stable and secure investment environment is a long-term
project.”
Disclose Payments
Myanmar plans to implement the [64]Extractive Industries Transparency
Initiative, which calls for governments to disclose all payments from
oil, gas and mining companies, Industry Minister Soe Thane said June 8.
“Pressing the button on transparency will help attract major western
companies to invest in Myanmar to a certain degree. It shows the
willingness of Myanmar’s authorities to fight widespread corruption and
provide much-needed regulatory clarity for foreign investors,” said
Siddik Bakir, a London- based energy analyst for the [65]Middle East
and South Asia at IHS Energy. “Western oil companies interested in
Myanmar’s hydrocarbons industry need safety because they know the risks
involved.”
With existing drillers Total and competitors such as Thailand’s [66]PTT
Exploration & Production Pcl (PTTEP) pumping more gas than they’re
discovering, Myanmar’s known [67]reserves dropped an average 15 percent
from 2007 to 2011, to 7.8 trillion cubic feet from 21.2 trillion cubic
feet, BP Statistical Review 2012 data show. Production declined 8.2
percent to 11.2 million metric tons of oil equivalent in the period,
according to the data.
Economic Frontier
Myanmar, called Asia’s “next economic frontier” by the IMF, is trying
to fund the government better by luring companies from [68]BP Plc (BP/)
to [69]Royal Dutch Shell Plc. (RDSA) OAO Gazprom, the world’s biggest
gas producer, is in discussions with the Myanmar government to
[70]participate in energy projects in the country, according to the
Moscow-based company’s website, without giving details.
Hundreds of foreign investors met in Myanmar’s capital last week as
they scout opportunities in the country even as Coca- Cola Co. and
MasterCard Inc. increase their presence.
Fifteen years ago, companies were rushing out. PepsiCo Inc., under
pressure from shareholders and activists to withdraw from Myanmar
because of human rights violations there, stopped operations in 1997.
Apple Computer Inc., Carlsberg A/S, the Walt Disney Co. and
Hewlett-Packard Co. were among companies that also pulled out at that
time.
Ruby Ban
The U.S. banned the import of rubies from Myanmar in 2008 to protest
human rights violations. The ban still exists. The southeast Asian
nation is potentially the world’s greatest source of high-quality
rubies and jadeite jade.
“Foreign investment is crucial for Myanmar’s economic growth,” Ba Hla
Aya, Charge d’Affaires of the Myanmar embassy in New Delhi, said at a
conference in India’s capital city Sept. 13. “But the economy faces
challenges in terms of shortage of human resources, lack of efficient
services and non-availability of adequate financing facilitates.” He
said auctions of exploration blocks this year should rise to a record.
Myanmar had its most inclusive elections in two decades on April 1,
lawmakers are revamping the financial system and President [71]Thein
Sein, who took over from Than Shwe in March 2011, signed a preliminary
cease-fire with the country’s largest armed rebel force in a move to
end the world’s longest civil war.
House Arrest
Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest for 15 of the last 20 years before
she was elected to parliament in April, said during a visit to Europe
in June that “transparency is the key” to attracting investments in the
oil and gas sector. She cautioned companies from entering into joint
ventures with Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise, the national oil monopoly,
which she said lacked transparency.
Myanmar was listed last year among nations that do not comply with
minimum standards in combating human trafficking in an annual U.S.
State Department report along with 22 other countries including North
Korea, Iran and Yemen. Tension among its more than 100 ethnic groups
“remains a potentially destabilizing factor,” the [72]Asian Development
Bank said in an Aug. 20 report.
Natural gas exports increased to about $3 billion last year and are set
to rise in 2013 as more gas fields and pipelines become operational,
according to the Asian Development Bank. [73]Chevron Corp. (CVX), Total
and China National Petroleum Corp. are among companies with oil and gas
investments in Myanmar.
Offshore Project
Myanmar is estimated to hold between 11 trillion and 23 trillion cubic
feet of natural gas and currently produces around 19,600 barrels per
day of oil and 1.475 billion cubic feet (41.77 million cubic meters)
per day of gas, IHS Energy’s Bakir said. Output may rise by 300 million
cubic feet a day next year when PTT Exploration & Production starts the
offshore Zawtika project. Projects operated by South Korea’s Daewoo
International Corp. in the Rakhine Basin may add 500 million cubic feet
a day at a peak rate, he said.
The economy may expand 6 percent this year from 5.5 percent in 2011,
the IMF said in its April 2012 World Economic Outlook Report. That
compares with 4.4 percent in [74]Malaysia, 5.6 percent growth in
[75]Vietnam and 6.1 in [76]Indonesia. China’s is projected to expand
8.2 percent this year, according to IMF.
Myanmar was under military rule for about five decades until President
Thein Sein took office last year. The dictatorship led to economic
sanctions by the U.S. and the European Union. This resulted in
economies including [77]Singapore and Thailand outpacing Myanmar, which
became Southeast Asia’s poorest nation.
In 2011, the [78]gross domestic product of Myanmar, with a population
of 62 million, was $54.8 billion, while Singapore with 5.2 million
people had $180 billion. Back in 1969 Myanmar’s GDP was about $6
billion, compared with $8.8 billion for Singapore, according to
[79]World Bank and [80]International Monetary Fund data.
Backtracking on Democracy
President Thein Sein’s attempt to open the economy to foreign
investments is not the first time Myanmar’s leadership has taken steps
toward restoring a democracy only to backtrack. The junta released Suu
Kyi from house arrest in May 2002, prompting the UN
to call it a “major development” toward national reconciliation. By
June 2003, Suu Kyi was back in detention.
In September, Thein Sein halted work on the $3.6 billion Myitsone
hydropower dam across the Irrawaddy being built with China Power
Investment Corp., saying the project was against the will of the
people.
“The Myanmar government is genuinely keen to carry out the reform and
opening-up process the right way,” Gilholm of Control Risks said. “They
want top energy companies to come in with their technology and
expertise, not only to explore and exploit resources but also to pass
on best practice know-how.”
To contact the reporter on this story: Rakteem Katakey in New Delhi at
[81]rkatakey@bloomberg.net
To contact the editor responsible for this story: Jason Rogers at
[82]jrogers73@bloomberg.net
[83]Enlarge image Myanmar Gets Record Investment After Years of
Isolation
Myanmar Gets Record Investment After Years of Isolation
Myanmar Gets Record Investment After Years of Isolation
Andrey Rudakov/Bloomberg
OAO Gazprom, the world’s biggest gas producer, is in discussions with
the Myanmar government to participate in energy projects in the
country, according to the Moscow-based company’s website, without
giving details.
OAO Gazprom, the world’s biggest gas producer, is in discussions with
the Myanmar government to participate in energy projects in the
country, according to the Moscow-based company’s website, without
giving details. Photographer: Andrey Rudakov/Bloomberg
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8:40
[55]Summing Up the Mood at the World Economic Forum
Myanmar’s Suu Kyi Calls on U.S. to Heed More Than Economy
By Nicole Gaouette - 2012-09-19T00:00:00Z
Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said she was open to a U.S.
relaxation of economic sanctions on her country, even as she urged
American leaders to focus on more than its economy alone.
“I do support the easing of sanctions because I think that our people
must start taking responsibility for their own destiny,” Suu Kyi said
at an event at the U.S. Institute of Peace, a nonpartisan policy group
in [56]Washington funded by Congress. “I do not think we should depend
on the U.S. sanctions to keep up the momentum of our movement toward
democracy. We’ve got to work at it ourselves.”
The political dissident and democracy activist said she is in the U.S.
for the first time in about 40 years, a visit that would have been
unthinkable as little as two years ago when she remained under house
arrest. She is now a member of parliament. She met with Secretary of
State [57]Hillary Clinton at the State Department yesterday and will
see lawmakers, activists and officials while in Washington.
Suu Kyi asked U.S. leaders not to focus on Myanmar’s economy to the
exclusion of other issues, such as the rule of law and democratic
progress. In July, State Department officials led the highest-level
economic and commercial delegation to Myanmar, also known as Burma, in
more than 25 years. They also took part in a business delegation that
included more than 70 executives from 35 companies.
“While the [58]United States seems to be concentrating a lot on the
economic aspect of its relations with my country,” Suu Kyi said, “I
hope they will do this in full awareness of the need to promote rule of
law and to help the president and his executive to carry out the
reforms they have in mind.”
Rule of Law
She cautioned that unless there is the rule of law and a functioning
judicial system to enforce it, companies coming to Myanmar won’t have
“either security or the freedom necessary for them to operate
effectively in our country.”
Suzanne Nossel, Amnesty International USA’s executive director, said
while what is happening is “not a complete turnaround or the dawn of
democracy and human rights in [59]Burma, it’s a very important
beginning.”
Issues such as child labor, forced labor, political prisoners and
ethnic conflict must be dealt with, she said in a telephone interview.
Clinton said that in addition to appointing an ambassador and lifting
sanctions on Myanmar, the U.S. had let companies invest in the country
and was ensuring that happened in a way “that advances rather than
undermines continued reforms.”
Nossel said that “what’s crucial is that the companies that enter Burma
take seriously their human-rights obligations that are spelled out in
international law and end up being a force for good.”
‘Real Risk’
She said that is important “because there’s a very real risk if they
put profits ahead of people they’ll end up exacerbating a very
precarious climate in terms of rights, rather than helping to
accelerate the progress.”
Clinton didn’t discuss the prospect of a further easing of sanctions.
State Department spokesman [60]Victoria Nuland told reporters yesterday
that she wasn’t “in a position to predict whether we’re going to take
any new steps on Burma this week or next.” She said the U.S. expects
the country’s president, [61]Thein Sein, to visit [62]New York next
week for the [63]United Nations General Assembly.
Both Suu Kyi and Clinton warned against complacency about Myanmar’s
move toward democracy, even with positive signs such as the release of
political prisoners Sept. 17. Suu Kyi said yesterday that of the
approximately 500 people released, about 200 were political prisoners.
Avoiding ‘Backsliding’
There is a need to “guard against backsliding, because there are forces
that would take the country in the wrong direction if given the
chance,” Clinton said as she introduced Suu Kyi to the crowd at the
U.S. Institute of Peace.
Clinton touched on other signs of progress, including fragile
ceasefires in some long-running internal conflicts, the creation of an
opposition and an easing of restrictions on the media. She also
underscored the need for more work.
She mentioned the need to release more political prisoners, reduce
ethnic violence that undermines internal stability, amend the
constitution, increase transparency, strengthen the rule of law and
curtail contacts with [64]North Korea.
“The State Department and the Obama administration are certainly the
first to say the process of political reform must continue,” Clinton
said. Using the country’s name at independence, which is official
administration policy, Clinton said “the United States is committed to
standing with the people of Burma to support this progress that has
begun, but that is still a work in progress.”
Today, Suu Kyi will meet lawmakers at the Capitol and receive the
Congressional Gold Medal, the legislative body’s highest award.
To contact the reporter on this story: Nicole Gaouette in Washington at
[65]ngaouette@bloomberg.net
To contact the editor responsible for this story: John Walcott at
[66]jwalcott9@bloomberg.net
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>
Updated Facebook Page Serves as Leading Indicator
By [62]William Pesek 2012-09-24T21:00:20Z
You could say that Myanmar won over [63]Kevin Murphy at “min-ga-la-ba,”
or “hello” in Burmese. The American first came to this isolated land in
the 1980s as a student and returned in the 1990s as a journalist. In
2002, he came back again -- this time for good and as an investor.
“You can say I was hooked early on,” Murphy, 51, said in Myanmar’s
capital, Naypyidaw, recently. “It’s nice to see the rest of the world
catching on.”
And how. [64]EuroMoney’s debut event in the nation that Rudyard Kipling
once called “quite unlike any place you know about” attracted almost
900 participants. It was the largest influx of foreign investors
Myanmar’s 55 million people have ever seen. More than 100 years later,
Kipling is still right about Myanmar, formerly known as [65]Burma,
being a world apart.
Bankers visiting for the first time assumed travel agents were
exaggerating about BlackBerrys and smart phones not working (they
really don’t). They dismissed warnings that credit cards aren’t
accepted, even at five-star hotels. All that blather about banks and
merchants only taking pristine $100 bills (the slightest crease or fold
and you’re toast) seemed overdone, until you found your wad of cash
worthless and wondering how to pay for dinner. No, Myanmar isn’t easy.
Unlike China
On the bright side, Twitter works fine in a place that just a year ago
was both a pariah and police state, a contrast with, say, [66]China.
You can update your Facebook page anytime you can find a WiFi signal,
again something you can’t do in China. I was able to view YouTube clips
of the violent 2007 crackdown on protesters by the military junta that
ran the place before President [67]Thein Sein unleashed reforms that
took the world by surprise. Try typing “Tiananmen Square massacre” into
search fields while visiting China. You are routed to tourism sites.
“What the world must understand is Myanmar’s opening is real and
irreversible,” said Murphy, a managing director at [68]Andaman Capital
Partners Ltd. in Yangon, also known as Rangoon. “Really, take it from
someone who has been here through previous moments of hope that change
was happening. It shouldn’t be doubted.”
The China comparison is worth exploring further. China opened its
economy without corresponding reforms to its political system. It
retains an iron grip on freedom of speech, the press and the political
narrative. Myanmar is doing the opposite: It’s opening socially and
politically before it even has an economy of which to speak. That is
creating higher expectations than many Chinese have of their leaders.
Inclusive Growth
Burmese tycoon Serge Pun put it well: “A year ago, our people were
afraid of the government; now the government is afraid of the people.
If our leaders don’t deliver, and soon, with inclusive growth, things
will get difficult and they know it.”
Myanmar’s challenges are daunting. There are huge question marks about
the role and influence of the military. What if, skeptics ask, the
military fails to respect a victory by [69]Aung San Suu Kyi’s party in
the next election in 2015? Confusion reigns over a recently passed
investment law. How much access will foreigners really have to
Myanmar’s natural resources? Too little? Too much?
Ethnic conflict is another challenge. Those in the West who idolize Suu
Kyi might be surprised to know her reputation at home is more mixed.
Her silent treatment of the minority Rohingya Muslims irks human-rights
groups and is a blemish on her status as a Nobel Peace Prize winner.
Chinese Pressures
Myanmar is already facing pressures that China didn’t until recently.
The widening gap between rich and poor is a source of growing friction
among China’s 1.3 billion people. Discontent is rising amid reports of
the obscene wealth being amassed by members of a ruling party that is
communist in name only.
Since Myanmar won’t have the luxury of ignoring these risks, its
development may go smoother than, say, [70]Vietnam’s, which investors
often compare with Myanmar. Vietnam is seen as a prisoner to pendulum
economics: Investor sentiment swings from heady optimism to dark
pessimism.
Vietnam hasn’t built the institutions or found the right regulatory
structure to shield itself from the whims of hot money. So, last month
when police arrested banking mogul Nguyen Duc Kien on vague charges
that many feared smacked of politics, local markets tumbled. When the
plight of one man imperils your economy, you have serious problems.
Myanmar can avoid these boom-bust cycles by getting the basics right
today. That means telling investors clamoring to cash in on one of
[71]Asia’s last frontier markets to take a deep breath and be patient.
Myanmar must craft investment laws that benefit the broader population.
“The issue is building blocks,” said Irish entrepreneur [72]Denis
O’Brien, the founder and chairman of Digicel Group, a
mobile-phone-network operator. “It’s important for an economy to be
able to walk before it can run.”
Myanmar probably doesn’t aspire to become one of the Asian “tiger”
economies -- it wants to be its own. With any luck, Kipling will still
be right about the place a century from now.
(William Pesek is a Bloomberg View columnist. The opinions expressed
are his own.)
To contact the writer of this article: William Pesek in Naypyidaw,
Myanmar, at [73]wpesek@bloomberg.net
To contact the editor responsible for this article: James Greiff at
[74]jgreiff@bloomberg.net
William Pesek
About [75]William Pesek»
William Pesek is based in Tokyo and writes on economics, markets and
politics throughout the Asia-Pacific region. ... [76]MORE
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>
Nobel Prize Winner Teaches Economics to Laureate
Illustration by Brendan Monroe
Nobel Prize Winner Teaches Economics to Laureate
By [62]William Pesek 2012-10-01T21:00:57Z
Of all the tantalizing about-faces in Myanmar, the economic education
of Aung San Suu Kyi may be the most important.
In June, the Nobel Peace Prize-winning dissident shocked many on her
first overseas trip after 23 years under house arrest. Suu Kyi warned
investors about “reckless optimism” and the pitfalls her country holds
for markets. Such comments upset Myanmar’s leaders and unnerved another
Nobel laureate: economist Joseph Stiglitz, a Myanmar government
adviser, who said she was being too pessimistic.
On her 17-day tour of the U.S., though, Suu Kyi is striking a rather
different tone and supporting President Thein Sein’s reforms. Suu Kyi
is playing coy about her sudden conversion, so let me offer my own
theory. After careful thought and analysis, Suu Kyi realizes what
Myanmar has on its hands: Mikhail Gorbachev.
It is early days for Myanmar’s version of perestroika, or
restructuring, that Gorbachev unleashed in the Soviet Union in the
1980s. There is much to be done to bring Myanmar, formerly known as
[63]Burma, out from behind its own Iron Curtain, and lots might go
wrong. Not the least of which is a giant military- industrial complex
looking over Thein Sein’s shoulder as he dismantles its reason for
being and welcomes the unpredictable forces of democracy.
Suu Kyi’s Gorbachev
Suu Kyi now realizes what she may have in Thein Sein. He could be that
rarest of authoritarian leaders who selflessly works to propel his
people higher without clinging to power indefinitely and then,
Gorbachev-style, steps aside.
Ahead of the 2015 election, Thein Sein’s agenda includes starting to
build an economy from scratch; keeping foreign mining companies from
raping his nation; managing Myanmar’s role as mediator among [64]China,
[65]Japan and the U.S. in Asia; and tweaking the constitution so that
Suu Kyi’s party can even run.
Why would someone likely to succeed Thein Sein three years from now
want to get in his way? This is where Suu Kyi’s sudden affection for
Thein Sein’s handiwork might come from. Let Thein Sein tend to the
political hardware -- a credible parliament, an independent judiciary
and central bank, a trusted financial system, fighting corruption,
taking Myanmar’s human-rights record into the 21st century. Meanwhile,
Suu Kyi can focus on the software -- the aspirations of Myanmar’s
people.
Whether Suu Kyi gets to fulfill her destiny of leading Myanmar depends
on the foundations being built today. Burmese should be proud that
their peaceful transition to democracy stands in contrast to bloody
uprisings in the Arab world that felled authoritarian rulers in
[66]Egypt, Tunisia and Libya.
And let’s not forget how much political courage it took for Thein Sein
to hold talks with Suu Kyi. It requires bravery, too, to allow oneself
to be eclipsed by a global celebrity who was portrayed by Michelle Yeoh
in a Luc Besson film, “The Lady.” If Thein Sein was annoyed about being
ignored by the paparazzi at the United Nations last week, he isn’t
letting on.
Thein Sein’s audience is much fickler than that of Suu Kyi, who somehow
gets a pass on ignoring the plight of Myanmar’s minority Rohingya
Muslims. His involves stern-faced trade officials in [67]Washington and
Geneva and ambitious generals at home. It also includes the likes of
Alisher Ali and Kenneth Stevens, who personify the breed of investor
arriving in Yangon.
Frontier Market
Hailing from the former Soviet Union, Ali, the chairman of Silk Road
Finance, has a passion for investing in frontier markets, such as
Mongolia. Ali has since set his sights on Myanmar. Earlier this year,
he moved his wife and four children to Yangon, formerly known as
Rangoon.
“You can just feel the energy here,” Ali says. Adds Stevens, an
American who runs Leopard Capital: “It’s hard to not be optimistic
about Myanmar’s future. Let’s hope it stays on this path.”
This last part of Stevens’s comment is important. If foreign investors
even begin to sense Myanmar’s restructuring is petering out or proving
hollow, they will flee and take the jobs their money creates elsewhere.
Thein Sein must craft the best investment law he can to ensure
stability and prosperity at home and win the esteem of people like
Stiglitz.
Suu Kyi is an icon -- a human treasure whose radiant smile melts the
vilest dictators. Thein Sein lacks such charisma, and the global media
have a knack of pushing him to the periphery. Yet Suu Kyi’s place in
history depends on the success of Thein Sein policies now being
fashioned out of the limelight.
Those who romanticize Suu Kyi often come back to a 1990 speech in which
she said: “It’s not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power
corrupts those who wield it, and fear of the scourge of power corrupts
those who are subject to it.”
Suu Kyi may have found the exception to her famous dictum - - her very
own Gorbachev.
(William Pesek is a Bloomberg View columnist. The opinions expressed
are his own.)
Read more opinion online from [68]Bloomberg View. Subscribe to receive
a [69]daily e-mail highlighting new View editorials, columns and op-ed
articles.
To contact the writer of this article: William Pesek in Yangon,
Myanmar, at [70]wpesek@bloomberg.net
To contact the editor responsible for this article: James Greiff at
[71]jgreiff@bloomberg.net
William Pesek
About [72]William Pesek»
William Pesek is based in Tokyo and writes on economics, markets and
politics throughout the Asia-Pacific region. ... [73]MORE
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By ANDREA GITTLEMAN
Published: 19 October 2012
A worker walks in front of shipping containers at Yangon's port
A worker walks in front of shipping containers at Yangon's port on 8
April 2012. (Reuters)
Over the past two years, some people in Burma have experienced some
remarkable changes. The government of Burma has released political
prisoners made moves toward greater political freedom, and loosened
strict media controls. But people in Burma have also witnessed
continuing crimes by the military, ongoing conflict in Kachin state,
and violent ethnic clashes in Rakhine [Arakan] state.
Other countries, including some that for years had supported democracy
activists and human rights defenders in Burma, began shifting their
policies toward engagement with the Burmese authorities in an effort to
tip the internal balance toward those in government who wanted more
reforms. This precise moment in Burma’s path from military dictatorship
to a future healthy democracy presents a key opportunity for leaders in
the US and elsewhere to make sure that any changes benefit all people
of Burma. Governments that wish to engage with the Burmese government
should make sure that their actions support substantive reforms so that
any changes are more than just a veneer that obscures the ongoing
oppression of ethnic minority groups.
Many countries have reacted to the recent changes in Burma by lifting
longstanding sanctions, ushering in a new era of investment in the
country. In the US, for example, the Obama Administration is in the
process of removing its sanctions regime, thereby shelving most of its
tools to press Burma’s government for further reforms. The
administration has lifted the investment ban, is in the process of
ending the import ban, and has announced the end of a restriction on
international financial institutions’ lending to Burma. These actions
mark a significant shift from decades of sanctions to a new era of
engagement.
Many people and institutions stand to gain from the lifting of
sanctions. The cronies of the Burmese government would be the primary
beneficiaries, since they are well-positioned to reap the benefits of
any influx of new business. In the past, companies partnered with
allies of the regime, and became complicit in human rights violations,
including rampant forced labour and forced displacement. Given
insufficient corporate regulation by the US and other governments,
those allied with the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party
(USDP) will be able to line their pockets with the incoming foreign
investment.
Contrast that windfall with the potential harm to ethnic communities,
which have long suffered abuse and discrimination under Burma’s
military. Many hotspots of foreign investment likely will be in the
oil, gas, and mining industries, and some ethnic minority areas are
rich in such natural resources. While foreign investment can indeed
lead to better jobs for those living near investment projects, Burma’s
ethnic minority communities have told a different story. A recent
[33]report from Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) documenting human
rights violations in Karen state found a correlation between foreign
investment projects and human rights abuse.
“For too many communities, foreign investment means abuse.”
In fact, families living near a development project (in this case, the
Dawei deep sea port) were eight times more likely to report a human
rights violation than families living elsewhere. This report built upon
previous [34]research in Burma that documented systematic attacks on
health care and a denial of access to treatment as a way to control the
population.
For too many communities, foreign investment means abuse. Given the
blanket impunity with which the Burmese military has abused members of
ethnic minority groups, representatives of ethnic communities are
understandably wary of any new investment without proper safeguards to
ensure that economic development projects will not negatively affect
the people around them.
Reforms in Burma must include more than political openness and improved
economic relations with other countries. In order to truly turn the
page on a long history of brutal attacks on ethnic minority
communities, the government of Burma will need to grapple with its
troubled past and hold any perpetrators accountable for their crimes.
Burmese authorities will also need to make a concerted effort to
improve access to health care, education, and dispute resolution
mechanisms in rural Burma. These necessary institutional changes will
allow the recent openness in Burma to reach all parts of the country.
Other countries also have work to do. The US should ensure that its
regulations on companies investing in Burma are strict and enforceable.
Any US company found to be complicit in human rights violations should
face accountability measures at home. The US should also immediately
revise its Specially Designated Nationals list so that companies have
an updated and comprehensive list of people with whom they cannot do
business.
Such safeguards can help Burma’s ethnic minority communities emerge
from decades of violence and oppression to enjoy the benefits of the
country’s steps to rejoin the international community.
-Andrea Gittleman is Senior Legislative Counsel for Physicians for
Human Rights in Washington, DC.
-The opinions and views expressed in this piece are the author’s own
and do not necessarily reflect DVB’s editorial policy.
Tags: [35]Barack Obama, [36]ceasefires, [37]conflicts, [38]ethnic
minorities, [39]investment, [40]sanctions, [41]united states
Author: [42]ANDREA GITTLEMAN Category: [43]Analysis
__________________________________________________________________
Comments
1. Ohn says:
[44]October 21, 2012 at 3:35 am
“….the government of Burma will need to grapple with its troubled
past and hold any perpetrators accountable for their crimes.”
Tall order. The government is the one perpetrating these crimes. So
no recourse!
Especially when much anticipated “people’s Champion” is also shown
to be thoroughly, most definitely and definitively on the side of
the “Government” which is the military in sheep clothes, soft
looking enough to get approval at the share holders’ meetings of
the companies which want to come in to take advantage of the land,
underground, sea and slave labour.
Those killing/ torturing/ looting/ burning/ displacing. It will
stop only if they all die. Wait for Aung San Suu Kyi? Hmmm….
2. John says:
[45]October 24, 2012 at 4:33 pm
The insurgents have committed as many crimes as the military. In
fact, the insurgents continue in their efforts, supported by the
exiles who have poured millions of dollars into undermining the
government. The problem is that they have lost their investment.
They are left out of the new Myanmar and the power & wealth that
they have sought since 1988. Because they’ve got so much at stake,
peace and harmony do not seem to be in Myanmar’s future regardless
of the reforms that are taken.
3. Ohn says:
[46]October 27, 2012 at 12:38 am
“The insurgents have committed as many crimes as the military.”
With any intention, this is not a cruelty/ devastation/ inhumane
acts competition for Mother Teresa Prize.
It is not kosher to do just a bit less than what the other might do
or have done so that you are in the right.
Funding are most likely by selling the jade, forest products and
drugs to the Chinese. Jade Bourses are in Hong Kong. That alone
takes away hundreds of millions of public money if jade is properly
sold with proper taxes given to the public, as in Utopia.
Unlike Tamil diaspora who did fund LTTE substantially over decades,
Burmese/ Kachin diaspora are not that well endowed/ inclined or
organised.
Now the country is up for sale,IMF, ADB and direct foreign input or
input via goody two shoes Norwegians will enrich endless streams of
military brass, their backers, and similar status people in all
other armed armed groups.
Hence the hyper-lauded and globally approved- “Peace Deals”. It is
indeed “Piece Deals”, which piece for whom, via Aung Min, the
cheesy, grinning dalan.
KIA leadership has indeed looted, cheated,and stolen public
property and bought companies, houses in Mandalay, Rangoon, money
in the banks, etc. But that is not the issue here.
Issue is Than Shwe/ Tin Aung Myint Oo deal with Chinese selling out
the country, as if they own it, to build pipes,rails, roads, and
the dams and dams and dams to destroy pristine natural land and
rivers.
The low land ignorant Burmese seem to agree with such or any plan
to get any money or that sacred “electricity’in petty minded
“smart” moves.
But the land to be flooded or destroyed is sacred to Kachin common
people.
Now clumsy, ineffectual and incompetent military rumblings of Min
Aung Hlaing has acted as best recruitment drive for KIA. What with
well documented and publicised and visible torture, rape, murder,
looting,burning- phyut-lay-phyut and generally abhorrent behaviour
of the Bamar Sit-tut.
4. Ohn says:
[47]October 27, 2012 at 12:44 am
So even if the the whole KIA top brass wants to sell out the their
people like the other armed groups are currently doing dealing with
the devil, the people are not going to lie down and take it.
Too much blood spill and hurt has been done. By the Bamar sit-tut.
5. Fact 2 says:
[48]October 29, 2012 at 4:41 am
The root cause of Burma’s problems are colonialism and
divide-and-rule – by the English.
Don’t try to twist it. It it not Bamars because the whole country
was known as Bamarpyi, derived from Brahmah. Nothing to do with the
bamar majority.
So much ignornace of ancient and modern history of Burma.
there never were ‘States’. Burma was a unitary kingdom, labeit
ruled by different dynasties – just like everywhere else where
there was a monarchy.
Shans, Bamars and Mons have been integrated for centuries sharing
common culture and religion Buddhism.
Burma was and still is a country of many tribes,all free to travel
and trade all those monarchical centuries; Burma was a kleidoscope
of colourful tribes. it was the duty of every king to maintain
peace and freedom of all people of Burma. There never was any
persecution. Yes, some shans trades Kayins as slaves but the
practice was stopped by the monarchical system. Never forget the
eseence of Burmese Buddhist kingship.
Straightne the kinks in your twisted minds.
Burma should have county system rather than so-called states.
USA started with 13 English colonies. Burma started as a monarchy
3000 years ago at Tagaung. Bamarasa Tagaungga is the common saying.
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Myanmar's opposition
Aung San Suu Kyi (virtually) at Davos
Jan 31st 2011, 15:40 by R.C. | SINGAPORE
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UNABLE to come herself last week to the annual world business leaders'
knees-up at Davos in Switzerland, Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of
Myanmar's democracy movement, got to address the assembled grandees by
audio link instead (or read [108]the text here). The timing, on Friday
January 28th, was significant. It might have been Davos week, but it
was also just a few days before [109]the opening of Myanmar's first
parliament in the country's new purpose-built capital, Naypyidaw.
The country's military rulers would have people believe that the new
parliament, along with November's general elections—not to mention the
release of Miss Suu Kyi herself from house arrest—all signify a
democratic transition under way.
Miss Suu Kyi, however, mentioned none of the above to her Davos
audience. Her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), believes
that the whole show is a sham, designed to curry support for a
repressive military regime that in fact has no intention of
fundamentally changing its ways. Indeed, as if to prove the point, that
very same day, on January 28th, Myanmar's highest court threw out an
appeal against the government's dissolution of the NLD as a political
party. The NLD had been banned for refusing to take part in what it
regarded as the fraudulent elections in November.
Instead, Miss Suu Kyi's remarks dwelt on the economic hardships that
her people have been experiencing, and her own sense of isolation
during her years under house arrest. She pointed out how far Myanmar
has fallen behind other countries, and how economic integration with
the rest of the world is now necessary. Before the junta, when the
independent country was still called Burma, its prospects for trade and
prosperity looked as rich as any in South-East Asia.
Intriguingly, Miss Suu Kyi asked for more investment in technology and
infrastructure, but said that investors “should pay close attention to
the costs and collateral damage of our development, whether
environmental or social.” Furthermore, she urged “those who have
invested or who are thinking of investing in Burma to put a premium on
respect for law, on environmental and social factors, on the rights of
workers, on job creation and on the promotion of technological skills.”
There is a very lively debate going on among pro-democracy activists as
to whether it is yet time to call for the end of sanctions by Western
countries; but I don't think these comments of Miss Suu Kyi's were
aimed at the foreign governments. Rather, I think she was speaking to
Chinese, Thai and other Asian investors who are coming in and, by all
accounts, doing great damage to many of Myanmar's minority communities
and to its environmental resources—[110]the Chinese in particular. I
don't expect Miss Suu Kyi's appeals to change things very much, but I
hope it focuses fresh attention on the misdeeds of those investors who
are already operating in Myanmar.
[111]Previous
Private property in China: Redevelopment with a human face?
[112]Next
China, India and the Karmapa Lama: The Karmapa's comeuppance?
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* [119]Studies in Naypyidology: How the other 43 live
* [120]Myanmar’s parliament: Power grab
* [121]Banyan: The idea of Myanmar
TOPIC: [122]Davos »
* [123]Schumpeter: The summer Davos blues
* [124]Competitiveness: The wealth of nations
* [125]Daily chart: Competitive advantages
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* [127]The fiscal cliff: Chasing trophies
* [128]Congo's rebels: Retreat, not defeat
* [129]Bond markets: Blessed are the governments
TOPIC: [130]Politics »
* [131]Hawaiian Airlines: The growing Hawaiian empire
* [132]Public appearances: Fancy dress
* [133]Money talks: Uncertainty returns: December 10th 2012
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[140]tocharian Feb 2nd 2011 6:12 GMT
I am grateful for being reminded that China is not only building
sea-ports, airports dams, railways, roads (rebuilding the Burma Ledo
road for example), but they actually built the capital Naypyidaw. Than
Shwe is surely in enormous debt and deeply grateful to the Chinese.
I also gratefully acknowledge that there are not only many Chinese but
also many Indians (millions?) living in Burma. Such a generous country
full of hospitality towards foreigners! Perhaps that is the true reason
that they even "tolerate" a "colonial elite" like Suu Kyi who as
someone said "should be sent back to England". As a dumb Burmese I
better learn how to be thankful for all the things I can learn from the
other wiser commentators.
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[145]nkab Feb 2nd 2011 4:58 GMT
@tocharian wrote: Feb 1st 2011 11:47 GMT
“The Burmese government should also let all the recent Chinese
immigrant businessmen, who are exploiting and pillaging the country
(and buying Burmese brides) return to Zhong Guo where they belong with
their families.”
-----------------------
Be real at least if you are incapable of being grateful.
What have you got left in Myanmar modernization had they doing that?
Even your new capital was built with massive "Zhong Guo" assistance.
Haven’t you got enough colonialism from the West? Or may be you don’t
care, you probably do your living overseas somewhere in the West,
possibly another of those few incubated in the colonial elitism like
this Aung San Suu Ky did before.
No wonder you don’t care for the average Burmese people from the way
you posted. Even the 2 millions of Indian people in Myanmar care for
Burmese more than you seem to do. Just remember her dad fought against
West colonialism too.
Remember, bottled up hatred won't get you anywhere. Be a happier person
wherever you live.
* [146]Recommend
19
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[150]tocharian Feb 1st 2011 23:47 GMT
The Burmese government should also let all the recent Chinese immigrant
businessmen, who are exploiting and pillaging the country (and buying
Burmese brides) return to Zhong Guo where they belong with their
families. They have no business in Burma except create problems for the
people.
* [151]Recommend
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* [154]reply
[155]Nirvana-bound Feb 1st 2011 15:17 GMT
China-bashing at it's subtlely devious worst! How about focussing for
once on Uncle Sam's heinous shenanigans, world wide??
* [156]Recommend
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* [159]reply
[160]new student 2009 Feb 1st 2011 7:11 GMT
Myanmar government should let lady Aung San Suu Kyi return to London
where she belong with her family in London. She has no business in
Myanmar except create problems for people.
* [161]Recommend
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[165]rwmurph Feb 1st 2011 2:45 GMT
Aung San Suu Kyi is truly an inspiration to all who long for democracy,
a better life, and peace. She is in my thoughts and prayers.
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[170]tocharian Feb 1st 2011 2:12 GMT
Let me add my 2 cents worth:
1. The corporations in the West are not even investing in their own
countries (just look at the US unemployment rate) for short-term
"financial" (i.e. profit-making) reasons. So why would they be
interested in investing in Burma, except to exploit natural resources
(perhaps not just gas and oil), which unfortunately always has some
environmental impact (e.g. tar-sands in Canada). Besides, isn't it
fashionable for Western businesses and politicians to "cosy up" with
China. There is not much the "virtual Davos woman" can do to influence
the complicated real greedy world of capital flow. It transcends
politics (especially Burmese politics)!
2. China (including Chinese businessmen from Thailand and Singapore) do
"invest" heavily in Burma. This fits in well with the strategic Chinese
goal of of "sinicization of the periphery" (string of pearls). This
economic, political and demographic "invasion" by the Chinese obviously
causes a lot of environmental and social damage in Burma (except, of
course, for the generals and their cronies). China is building gas/oil
pipe lines, environmentally ill-conceived dams (almost all the
electricity goes to China), railways (TE had a recent article about
this), deep-water seaports (for both commercial and naval use),
airports (a fancy one near Naypyidaw), etc. They also like to clear-cut
Burmese virgin forests for timber (teak) and mine for gems (jade, gold
and ruby) in Burma.
(I'm not getting 50 cents for this post!)
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[175]geezerLi Feb 1st 2011 1:40 GMT
The Economist's obsession with blaming China has truly reached comical
proportion!
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31
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[180]Francois de Callieres Jan 31st 2011 21:20 GMT
There is in any case little Western interest in "investing" in Myanmar.
Oil and gas, yes, but there is tremendous competition from the region.
Otherwise, some niche investments and financial services. But that's
about it. The West is no longer into manufacturing, which has already
gone East.
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[101]Banyan
Asia
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Myanmar's surprising government
Dammed if they don't
Oct 4th 2011, 1:15 by The Economist online
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* [106]Tweet
OBSERVERS are still wrestling with the implications of a stunning piece
of news out of Myanmar on September 30th. Thein Sein, the president,
informed parliament that work on a huge $3.6 billion dam on a
confluence of the Irrawaddy river in the north-east of the country
would be suspended for the duration of his term in office, ie, until at
least 2015.
The decision has provoked China, which has been building the Myitsone
dam and would buy almost all of the electricity generated by the
associated 6,000MW hydropower plant, into a rare public rebuke of a
friendly neighbour. And critics at home and abroad have been taken
aback by the reason Mr Thein Sein gave for the suspension: that it was
“contrary to the will of the people”. That has not, in the past, been a
consideration for Myanmar's rulers.
Like many members of his government, Mr Thein Sein is a former general.
But the “civilian” regime that succeeded the military junta after
[107]rigged elections last year is trying hard to look different. The
suspension of the dam comes after a series of conciliatory gestures,
notably a meeting in August between the president and Aung San Suu Kyi,
the de facto leader of Myanmar's opposition, who was freed from house
arrest last November, just after the election.
That the new regime seems willing to antagonise China is the latest
sign that things may really be different. Shunned by the West, Myanmar
had been falling ever more closely into China's orbit. China is
Myanmar's biggest foreign investor, followed by Thailand. A Chinese
foreign-ministry spokesman has condemned the suspension of the dam and
called on Myanmar to protect the rights of the Chinese companies
involved.
Myitsone is one of the most important of China's many projects in
Myanmar. The main investor is the state-owned China Power Investment
Corporation, whose construction arm had already started work. [108]On a
visit to the site this year, The Economist's correspondent found that
it had built supply roads and large pre-fabricated living quarters for
the Chinese workers, cleared hillsides and moved the population to a
resettlement village (pictured to the right).
Of a series of seven Chinese-built dams planned on the Irrawaddy, the
[109]Myitsone was to be the largest, and at about 150 metres (458
feet), one of the highest in the world. If completed, the dam's
reservoir would flood an area the size of Singapore and drive more than
10,000 people, mainly from the Kachin ethnic group, from their
ancestral lands. The area straddles territory controlled by the Kachin
Independence Organisation (KIO), one of Myanmar's myriad insurgencies.
Last May the KIO warned China that building the dam would lead to
“civil war”. Since then fighting between government forces and the
KIO's armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army, has increased markedly.
[110]Thousands of villagers caught up in the clashes have fled the
area.
Hitherto suppressed environmental NGOs spoke out against the project.
They were backed by Miss Suu Kyi, who in August wrote [111]an open
letter calling for a reassessment of the project. She has welcomed the
suspension because “every government should listen carefully to
people's voices.”
It is not just concerns about the environment or the people displaced
that have raised hackles. There is widespread popular resentment
against Chinese economic expansion within Myanmar, and against the
large-scale immigration of Chinese nationals into northern
Myanmar—estimates range from 1m to 2m—that has accompanied it. Many
Burmese complain that Myanmar's states have become like provinces of
China.
The government's decision to suspend the dam comes at a time when it is
also showing more willingness to engage with the West. Barack Obama's
special envoy to Myanmar was there in September. The regime has even
been hinting that it might release at least some of its 2,000 political
prisoners. Their continued detention makes it hard for Miss Suu Kyi to
advocate the lifting of Western sanctions, and her support for
sanctions makes it hard for Western governments to drop them. In an
interview this week with the BBC, she urged caution in assessing the
government's intentions, but expressed at least [112]moderate optimism:
“We are beginning to see the beginning of change.”
Among the many signals the regime is sending by suspending the dam is
that it does not want to be dependent solely on its neighbours,
especially China. The regime is trying to build bridges with both its
opponents at home and its critics overseas. The danger is that the
changes it is making may not be fast enough or fundamental enough to
win big concessions from the West. And in the past, when engagement has
failed, there has been no shortage of vengeful hardliners waiting to
come out of the woodwork.
[113]Previous
A murky Mongolian saga: Mistah Khurts, he free
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[152]Mrwood Oct 18th 2011 2:27 GMT
Indeed, a gutsy move. Though it seems like this leader actually cares
about his citizens. Letting the dam be built would be letting the world
know that China can get what it wants anywhere. But here they are
saying no. The citizens will really respect him for this. Even if they
lose possible revenue from it; money is definitely not everything.
* [153]Recommend
7
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* [156]reply
[157]The Jested Oct 13th 2011 20:43 GMT
This decision is incredible. I give Myanmar government props for
finally listening to the people and even standing up to China! It seems
like Myanmar is finally on track to be a better nation and a source of
government that will listen to its people. China is certainly not happy
with this rejection especially after how much preparation that had put
into building this new dam. I wonder how this will affect relations
between the countries and what other impacts it will have.
* [158]Recommend
9
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* [160]Permalink
* [161]reply
[162]orphan Oct 12th 2011 23:30 GMT
@ codyw92
PLEASE, PLEASE, PLEASE!!!
codym92 the dam was ordered closed down by the present Myanmar
president and not China!!!
It is done in the name of environmental ground, is it sensible and
logic!? Your can write your comments and I wish very much to have the
honour in seeing it from you.
I will reply after seeing what you and the others' response!
* [163]Recommend
10
* [164]Report
* [165]Permalink
* [166]reply
[167]codyw92 Oct 12th 2011 15:30 GMT
China is having dealings with the entire world. They are rapidly
exerting their influence in almost every place that will let them. They
are increasing their economic and political power more and more every
day.
Aung San Suu Kyi will continue to do great things for Myanmar. She
hasn't even been free for that long, and she already has done powerful
things. I think she will eventually rise in power until she does as
much good again as she did when Myanmar was still Burma.
China almost has more influence in Myanmar than any native officials do
- as evident when China suspended the construction of the dam. The
Myanmar people don't like this, but there is not that much they can
really do about it.
* [168]Recommend
8
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* [170]Permalink
* [171]reply
[172]orphan Oct 12th 2011 12:40 GMT
@ [173]kellym11@vt.edu
Why and what are so wrong for Chinese investment in Myanmar?
China receiving most FDI since opening up to the world and she still
remains very independent and self-reliance.
Can the world and especially those who viewed China with colored lenses
be more sensible and more objective in writing their comments!?
MUST they be so stereotype!?
China didn't exercise hegemony and force her will upon others!
US always find China their whipping boy and this time their SENATE
passed laws ridiculously classified China as "Currency Manipulation
Nation" which will impose high taxes against all Chinese export to US!
The most idiotic of this law is US already closed down all their
factories and moved same to China and come to the worst if US don't
import from China they still have to import from Vietnam or Indonesia
etc.
Can this law be admissible by the WTO is much in question!
It is like robbing Peter and give to John; My God, don't tell me the US
SENATE is full of a bunch of fools!!!
* [174]Recommend
6
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* [176]Permalink
* [177]reply
[178]kellym11@vt.edu Oct 10th 2011 17:21 GMT
It’s great to see that Myanmar wants to declare their independence.
Unfortunately for them, they can’t do this without the wealth and
influence of China. China’s influence in all world affairs is growing
rapidly and so is their economy and power. China realizes that Myanmar
needs them so they are taking advantage of this fact and influencing
them to the fullest. China will help them develop their country
further, which is what they need for now but hopefully in the future
Myanmar will rely less on China, and become more independent and less
influential.
* [179]Recommend
7
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* [182]reply
[183]Plaid Squid Oct 10th 2011 16:42 GMT
Instability is the last thing Burma needs right now; especially since
it is working its way to a true democratic election. The fact that
fighting has broken out between the government and the resistance
groups certainly doesn't help the process.
* [184]Recommend
8
* [185]Report
* [186]Permalink
* [187]reply
[188]vtimp Oct 10th 2011 13:56 GMT
Myanmar is slowly becoming a more independent country. The influence of
the Chinese and Thailand is diminishing from the country. Also, Aung
San Suu Kyi has become a more relevant figure in Myanmar. After being
released from house arrest, she has made herself noticed in the
politics of Myanmar. Stopping the production of the dam shows that
Myanmar is capable of making their own decisions not based on the
influence of other countries. However, this move could be bad in that
they planned on selling the power to China. This move by the president
shows that Myanmar is truly moving towards a more democratic view as he
takes into consideration the views of the people.
* [189]Recommend
7
* [190]Report
* [191]Permalink
* [192]reply
[193]chinacat Oct 10th 2011 5:37 GMT
... my favorite ancient book....
sorry then.
* [194]Recommend
7
* [195]Report
* [196]Permalink
* [197]reply
[198]chinacat Oct 10th 2011 5:36 GMT
PL123 wrote:
Oct 9th 2011 6:37 GMT
@ ChinaCat
Inform yourself better of Burma before writing your judgement. It is
more than just investment.
-------
what's more than investment? since when the thug nation is sooo
important to China? the Chinese civilization has been there for 5000
years (only 1000 years less than the Indian civilization I was told,
lol), sometimes no action is far more important than action: stop all
the investment please dear president, or even better stop that by
Chinese ourselves, that shows them how important they really are to
China, by the way, I made the judgement after reading my the ancient
book that's called Art of War, what on earth!!! lol
* [199]Recommend
8
* [200]Report
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* [202]reply
[203]chinacat Oct 10th 2011 5:24 GMT
tocharian wrote:
Oct 9th 2011 3:20 GMT
Right on, "it is more than just investment", it is a Chinese invasion.
Once Burma gets rid of all these illegal alien Chinese "bandit
businessmen" and "PLA proxy armies", it will be on its way towards
becoming a peaceful (if not a prosperous) country.
------
yeah, right, you got a new punch bag which is called China, punch
harder please me friends then from there you are going to be a peaceful
(even a prosperous) nation, lol.
* [204]Recommend
8
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* [206]Permalink
* [207]reply
[208]ryan2711 Oct 10th 2011 4:32 GMT
Its a great sign to see the government finally acknowledging the people
in Myanmar. The people deserve and voice and Aung San Suu Kyi is the
main reason why the people still have a fighting chance. I hope to see
this success grow and the country become more developed in serving the
people instead of the militarized government.
* [209]Recommend
7
* [210]Report
* [211]Permalink
* [212]reply
[213]derekd7 Oct 10th 2011 3:21 GMT
If the dam helps to prevent flooding in other regions it might be
useful, but unfortunately it will flood other peoples' lands. I guess
Myanmar is trying to avoid a civil war and this might be a good reason
to not build a dam. China will be mad, but its better if the people of
your country are happy.
* [214]Recommend
8
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* [216]Permalink
* [217]reply
[218]mikea713@vt.edu Oct 10th 2011 2:47 GMT
Change in Burma has been a long time coming and its great for the
people that the government is actually doing something, but I am unsure
if this was the correct choice. I believe disagreeing with the Chinese
at this point in time is not a good move. The Chinese economy could
really help Myanmar move up in the world and continue to develop. But
who knows what will happen now with future relations after the
suspension of the dam
* [219]Recommend
10
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* [222]reply
[223]jamie1vt Oct 9th 2011 22:33 GMT
Stopping the construction of the dam is a HUGE step for Myanmar and the
people of Burma. That bridge symbolized Chinese influence, and the
stopping of the construction proves that Burma may actually be making
advances towards democracy. Messing with a country as fiscally dominant
as China is hard to do, and may not be the smartest move considering
that some Chinese action is benefitting Burma. However, I will always
be supportive of a country trying to to escape from the grasp of
another country.
* [224]Recommend
8
* [225]Report
* [226]Permalink
* [227]reply
[228]tocharian Oct 9th 2011 15:20 GMT
Right on, "it is more than just investment", it is a Chinese invasion.
Once Burma gets rid of all these illegal alien Chinese "bandit
businessmen" and "PLA proxy armies", it will be on its way towards
becoming a peaceful (if not a prosperous) country.
* [229]Recommend
10
* [230]Report
* [231]Permalink
* [232]reply
[233]PL123 Oct 9th 2011 6:37 GMT
@ ChinaCat
Inform yourself better of Burma before writing your judgement. It is
more than just investment.
* [234]Recommend
6
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* [236]Permalink
* [237]reply
[238]chinacat Oct 9th 2011 5:56 GMT
I hail president's decision to stop the dam building, if only he did
that earlier then our Chinese company lost less money.
* [239]Recommend
8
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* [242]reply
[243]chinacat Oct 9th 2011 5:50 GMT
the president should ban all the Chinese investment in his country, I
see all the investment there are totally waste of money, we Chinese
should consider our investment to be profit and use them on much better
place, Myanmar is not a nice nation, it's a place that's run by
bandits.
* [244]Recommend
9
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* [247]reply
[248]hokVTies Oct 9th 2011 0:14 GMT
This is a very brave and smart move for the independence of Myanmar as
a country. By suspending the building of the dam Myanmar contradicted
what China wanted ensuring that as a country it will not become
dependent on China. At the same time they are reaching out to the
western parts of the world, which if they can change some of the
working conditions in their industries Myanmar will have a whole new
market for its Natural gas, Wood, pulses and beans, Fish, rice,
clothing, Jade and gems exports.
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337. file://localhost/ec-messaging/1
338. file://localhost/ec-messaging/1
339. file://localhost/ec-messaging/2
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[101]Banyan
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Investing in Myanmar
Triplicating success
Jul 23rd 2012, 10:58 by F.C. | SINGAPORE
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LAST month Thein Sein shared with an audience an “aspired goal” for his
country’s economy: to triple per-capita GDP by 2016. With the current
population that would entail inducing output to grow by more than 25%
year on year—no mean feat by any standard. Even gas-rich Qatar, home to
one of the world’s fastest-expanding economies last year, grew by a
mere 14%. Apparently, realism in the realm of economics is not among
the president’s many strengths. (In May Daw Aung San Suu Kyi made
headlines by [107]warning foreign investors against placing “reckless
optimism” in Myanmar at the World Economic Forum. The government was
displeased.) But most of the businesses involved understand that it
will take time to get the country’s dismal infrastructure into good
working order.
So alluring is the prospect of Myanmar's liberalising market, which has
been shunned by the Western world since the mid-1990s thanks to
sanctions, that [108]a conference in Singapore attended by ten of the
government's senior officials last week drew throngs of eager
businessmen from the region over. Organised by the Foreign Recruitment
Centre, a Singapore-based employment agency, it aimed to equip
businesses interested in Myanmar with contacts, a basic brief on the
legal background, and a host of tips on securing better business deals.
Never sign a contract on Friday; Saturdays and Sundays are fortuitous
for doing deals; starting just about anything on a Monday and you'll be
starting with a bad omen. So do not despair if an initial,
Monday-morning meeting has to be postponed.
Myanmar is hungry for foreign capital in virtually every sector of the
economy. The officials who came to Singapore represented ministries
governing commerce, post and telecoms, construction, trade, energy and
the office of the attorney-general. They made their best sales pitches
from a podium, looking out over a sea of businessmen eagerly awaiting
the opportunities they describe. The standing Foreign Investment Law
(1988) ensured that foreign investors can acquire no more than 35% of a
company’s total equity, and only via local joint ventures, but reforms
are expected to be passed by parliament by the end of July. The
revisions planned should do away with the requirement that foreign
investors establish local partnerships. Daw Mae Thi Lynn, from the
office of Myanmar’s attorney-general, adds that the reformed law would
grant investors the right to lease land from private owners for longer
periods. This should be useful to the many businessmen who have been
frustrated by the slow pace of industrial-property acquisitions.
The government also unveiled plans for a commission that will “increase
the role of the private sector” in telecommunications, energy,
forestry, education and health. The hand that giveth however does not
only giveth. In the same stroke it identified 12 activities that are to
be undertaken only by state-owned enterprises, including the extraction
and sale of teak, oil and natural gas, the export of gems, the
manufacture of products related to security and defence, and others
besides.
U Kyaw Soe, the head of Myanmar Post and Telecommunication, says they
expect to achieve 75% telecoms density in four years’ time: that is to
say, that three-quarters of the population will have a mobile by then.
In a country of 60m with only 3m subscribers today, that means at least
10.5m new subscribers a year. All the trickier where call rates remain
among the priciest in the region, even as the GSM networks are
stubbornly congested. But all that is to be a thing of the past, says
Kyaw Soe, who hopes to see development in telecoms spread evenly
throughout the country.
There is already tension visible between the promise of gradual and
steady development, on one hand, and the demand for quick provision of
infrastructure for businesses with zone-specific development, on the
other. A representative of Ocean Sky Global, an apparel-service
provider whose operations include exporting from ports in Cambodia,
Hong Kong and Taiwan to major buyers in the West, including Adidas,
Columbia and Gap, says they have their eyes on Myanmar’s cheap,
abundant, and relatively well-educated labour force. But many of their
peers remain wary of jumping in too soon, due to the sorry state of
infrastructure and logistics. Plans for major highways are still in
their infancy, and as yet Myanmar has no deep-sea port, though plans
exist for as many as four different sites. The construction of a
deep-sea port at Kyaukpyu, on the Rakhine coast, is expected to be
finished by the end of 2012. Kyaukpyu boasts the shortest trade route
connecting China and the Mekong basin to India and the Middle East. A
second deep-sea port, at Dawei, would form part of a special economic
zone, a 250-square-kilometre industrial estate with sea, land, rail and
pipeline links to the country’s neighbours. In particular it could
connect to Thailand’s eastern seaboard via the Laem Chabang deep-sea
port at Chonburi. This week Thein Sein and Thailand’s prime minister,
Yingluck Shinawatra, affirmed their commitment to the $50 billion Dawei
project, with Thailand's largest contractor, [109]Italian-Thai
Development Public Company Limited, leading the way. (Once upon a time,
about a year ago, the estimated need for [110]investment was to
be[111] just $8.6 billion.)
Big plans then, for a relatively small economy with what looks like
huge potential. That’s the song and dance chosen by a largely
self-appointed, quasi-civilian government that until last year refused
to subject itself to just about any part of international law. If
Myanmar’s reformist government were to pull off even a passable
rendition of the promised number, a standing ovation would be in order.
[112]Previous
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* [120]2013 in person: Thein Sein
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* [128]Thailand’s politics: Whatever happened to Thaksin?
* [129]The Economist: Digital highlights, November 17th 2012
* [130]The world in figures: Countries: Thailand
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* [132]Myanmar’s humanitarian crises: Exiled to nowhere
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[138]Ana Cristina Poulsen Aug 18th 2012 4:46 GMT
Surely you can find good organisations that organise your investment in
Myanmar like Grand Waktu or [139]http://businessinmyanmar.eu or other
organisations
* [140]Recommend
3
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* [143]reply
[144]Human Child Jul 26th 2012 5:28 GMT
Surely you could have inserted a few lines expressing concern for the
environment.
After all, the kind of mass-scale destruction of the environment that
enriches only a corrupt elite has pretty much happened everywhere else
in the region.
* [145]Recommend
8
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* [148]reply
[149]guest-ioaosoj [150]in reply to Human Child Jul 27th 2012 9:13 GMT
lol are you saying that the Burmese government (which some Burmese
posters on this forum hates but also claims to support because it's the
only semblance of civilization that Barbaric Burma has) is not a
kleptocracy?
I mean China, India, and Thailand may be corrupt, but they are nowhere
as corrupt as Burma.
[151]http://cpi.transparency.org/cpi2011/results/
Out of all the countries surveyed, Burma is tied with Afghanistan and
only ahead of Somalia.
* [152]Recommend
5
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[156]guest-ioasaae Jul 26th 2012 2:33 GMT
lol everyone knows that the Burmese are way too racist and violent to
attract foreign investment. I mean, being racist against dark skinned
people is bad, but performing a violent ethnic cleansing is sure to
scare off most investors.
Anyways, most of the "optimism" described in this article, as well as
the investment conference in Singapore (at least one of them), came
before the Rohingya ethnic cleansing began.
[157]http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2012/07/16/251205/democracy-and-slaug
hter-i...
Excerpt:
"The ‘pro-democracy’ Myanmar’s groups and individuals celebrated by
Western governments for objecting to the country’s military junta are
also taking part in the war against minorities. Writing in the Sydney
Morning Herald on July 8, Hanna Hindstrom reported that one
pro-democracy group stated on Twitter that “[t]he so-called Rohingya
are liars,” while another social media user said, “We must kill all the
kalar.” Kalar is a racist slur applied to dark-skinned people from the
Indian subcontinent."
* [158]Recommend
9
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[162]siddsa Jul 25th 2012 14:50 GMT
Hope is a good thing, probably best of things. When all is gone only
thing left is hope, here to hoping that Myanmar (Burma) would achieve
what their leaders aspire to. The path will be bot be smooth and
probably would be marred by huge corruption, but the hope of better
tomorrow is good.
Here to hoping for peace (abatement of guerrilla war fare in it's
minority dominated areas) and prosperity (relative) to one of the dark
areas of world.
* [163]Recommend
3
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[167]Richard Michael Abraham Jul 25th 2012 13:59 GMT
Myanmar vs. Accra, Ghana and Lagos, Nigeria
I’ve indicated the leading economists in the United States announced in
a joint statement that the U.S. Stock Market has been so manipulated by
FED Bernanke, with PR and Spin, that the DOW, instead of its current
12,700 should be 6,000. (that’s over a 100% bloated, inflated Stock
Market rise)
If you’ve noticed, as I have alleged for years, the Stock Market rises
on bad news or good news. When there’s bad news like bad employment
numbers, bad GDP numbers, etc., the Stock Market goes up because the
investor players say, “Good, now FED Bernanke will need to give us QE
3.”
The Eurozone is in worse financial troubles.
Thus, don’t be afraid to travel.
Right now, in places like Accra, Ghana and in Lagos, Nigeria, if you’re
game, you could go there and in 8-10 years accumulate $20,000,000 plus
in cash, leading real estate development efforts with the skills you’ve
learned.
Then, you could return to your native Country, and enjoy life. Not such
a crazy idea anymore. Indeed, being a World real estate developer is an
occupation.
Remember, the Value Generator Method to discover hidden development
opportunities is as close to scientific certitude when employed
correctly. What could be easier than developing in booming Global
markets?
Thus, I will be presenting Real Estate Development Seminars in Accra
and Lagos, this December 2012.
Acting on my research and instincts, my real estate development
activities focus on Accra, Ghana and Lagos, Nigeria. These are
incomparable regions for investment and real estate development.
In Accra, Ghana and Lagos Real Estate Development is Booming.
What ever business you're in, particularly, real estate development,
consider the fabulous opportunities in Accra, Ghana and Lagos, Nigeria.
The World economy has changed, making these two cities ripe for real
estate development and investment.
Warmest,
Richard Michael Abraham
Founder
The REDI Foundation
[168]www.redii.org
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[173]TellTureOnly Jul 25th 2012 8:04 GMT
Burma needs more aid as war in Kachin State continues
[174]http://asiancorrespondent.com/86360/burma-needs-more-humanitarian-
aid-fo...
President Thein Sein has repeatedly said peace and stability is crucial
in the making of a developed country. He also said that without
national unity Burma, with over 100 races, cannot enjoy peace and
stability.
“If the local people realize the government’s goodwill policies and
objectives and join hands together for development of their own region,
all measures for progress of border areas and national races will be
successful,” he said during 1/2011-Meeting held at the President Office
in Naypyitaw in April.
On the contrary, the Burma Army has been intensifying its power in
Shan, Kachin and Karen States to clear out the ethnic armed forces
fighting for self-determination. President Thein Sein’s words and his
army’s actions paint two very different pictures.
On the other hand, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)
delegation met Vice Chairman Aung Min of newly formed Union-level
Peace-making Committee at Mai Jayan on Sino-Burma border to hold
informal talks on June 1, June 19 and 20. The KIO had already met
Kachin State-level peace committee led by Col. Than Aung twice and then
met with union level peace committee led by Aung Thaung three times and
met unofficially with union level peace committee led by Aung Min four
times.
The fighting between government armed forces and KIA troops in Kachin
State and northern Shan State has produced more and more war refugees
since last March. The two armies had countless armed-clashes in June
and both sides suffered several casualties in the warfare.
The government delegation led by Aung Min and the KIO delegation had a
meeting at Maijayan on June 20. During that meeting, they talked about
the repatriation of war refugees as well as the withdrawal government
troops from KIO controlled territory.
However, on July 20, KIA’s 24th Battalion under 5th Brigade encountered
Burma Army’s troop under 21st MOC between Bum Sawn hill and Daw Hpum.
On July 21, a battle took place between KIA soldiers under 5th Brigade
and Burma Army’s 142nd LIB at Ban Kawng Mu village. On the same day,
more fighting took place between the KIA’s 23rd Battalion and Burmese
army’s 40th LIB near Laja Yang, Kachinland News said.
As of July 21, armed clashes continue between KIA’s 24th Battalion and
Burmese army’s 387th LIR near Bum Sawn hill. A battle took place
between KIA’s 15th Battalion under 3rd Brigade and Burmese army’s 317th
LIR near Law Mun located between Kadaw and Namhpak Hka village in the
evening of July 21.
On July 22, three Burmese soldiers and one KIA soldier killed in a
combat between a KIA’s mobile battalion and Burmese army’s MOC-3 near
Gang Dau.
As the civil war in Kachin State cannot stop so far, inhabitants have
been hiding in the jungle or becoming refugees along the Sino-Burma
border. People cannot carry on their agricultural and gardening
careers. It causes the region food shortage and people suffer from
malnutrition plus infectious diseases.
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[179]TellTureOnly [180]in reply to TellTureOnly Jul 25th 2012 8:07 GMT
Continue:
Before the conflict between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and
government armed forces in June 2011, there was sufficient foodstuff
from the paddy and vegetable farms in the neighboring areas. The armed
conflicts have forced many farmers to run away from their farming. It
causes the groups of native people at the mercy of domestic and
international donors including the UN Agencies.
Humanitarian aid from international communities to victims in Kachin
State amounted to US$ 16.7 million until the end of May, according the
Eleven Media Group’s news.
The aid went to needs for food, vocational training, health care and
shelter. Among the aid donors are Australia, Germany, Britain, Denmark,
the U.S, France, ECHO and CERF, headed by WFP, TBD, DWHH, Trocaire,
HPA, Solidarities Int’l, UNHCR and UNICEF.
The UN calculated that a total of 21.9 million would be needed to
support a population of around 40,000.
Even though, several IDPs as well as refugees suffered starvation since
hostilities between KIA and the Burmese military have an effect on the
supply routes en route for the refugees and IDPs’ camps in the deep
jungle. The worst is that government troops commonly confiscate
foodstuff transported from well-wishers to IDPs and war-refugees. Due
to food scarcities, many residents have no choice but to rely on rice
gruel which in long term is the cause of undernourishment and sickness.
Last month’s meetings produced no solution. The government wants the
KIO to sign a ceasefire before they discuss withdrawal of troops from
the front lines. However, the KIO firmly said that it will not talk
about the idea of ceasefire until the Burmese armed forces leaves KIO
territories. Moreover, the KIO wants the participation of an
international independent body like the UN to get involved in any such
agreement.
Without a political solution, situation may not be controlled over
current fierce fighting between Kachin Independence Army and government
armed forces. About 1650 battles have been fought since renewed
fighting began on June 9, 2011, according to estimation made
byKachinland News.
It also said that KIO delegates have asked at least in three meetings
to withdraw Burmese troops from KIO territory. But Burmese army has
increased troop deployment in order to escalate its offensive war. As a
result, hostility has intensified in the Kachin frontline zones.
While the government has been talking about reform, its armed forces
should not escalate hostilities in the ethnic states. It is also an
obligation of the government to provide humanitarian assistance to
those war refugees and IDPs in ethnic states.
* [181]Recommend
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[185]worldtraveller811 Jul 24th 2012 15:26 GMT
Dear Myanmar,
First protect your people of the GREEDY INVESTORS who pretend to be
your friends but in fact are not. They just come to reap the harvest.
You need investors but choose the right ones. Don't get uncontrolled
greedy yourself.
Beware of functioning as a "Commercial prostitute" to satisfy reckless
business people from inside and outside of Myanmar.. This also includes
Red Light Investment ! Do not copy Thailand.
Analyse the impact of Industrialisation in your neighbour country
THAILAND. There are a lot of negative things, incl. environment
problems as well pollution and ugly commercial architecture.
Referring general business think it over whether an indirect arrogant
and traditions absorbing "Seven-Eleven-MiniMart-Culture" should be the
ideal achievement of/for Myanmar ?
Please, protect your people of the many negative things which
automatically enter as wider you open the doors. Move slowly, check
every "attractive" offer and deal.
LESS IS VERY OFTEN MUCH MORE !
GO THE BUDDHISTIC MIDDLE WAY !
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[190]guest-ioaosoj [191]in reply to worldtraveller811 Jul 27th 2012
9:15 GMT
Right because I would rather live in Barbaric Burma where the vast
majority of people do not have access to reliable electricity or indoor
plumbing than in Thailand where there are a lot of hookers and "ugly
commercial buildings."
Why do so many Burmese girls flee to Thailand to live in indentured
servitude?
* [192]Recommend
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[196]Josh2012 Jul 24th 2012 10:07 GMT
There are many challenges for Myanmar as they are being isolated for
many decades. But it is obvious that Myanmar has a huge potential to
becoem another Asia economics power house, of cause it will take a few
decades. By studying current developments, every industries are
progressing very fast. Besides, World’s largest economies are backing
Myanmar development: China has been Myanmar’s close alliance for many
decades, Myanmar and US relationship getting strong, Japan is helping
to develop stock exchange and other sectors, etc.
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[101]Banyan
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Myanmar's minorities
Caught in the middle
Jul 11th 2012, 9:43 by J.M. | MAIJA YANG
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BEFORE the war resumed, this border town in northern Myanmar pulsed
with Chinese traders who kept gambling halls and brothels open around
the clock. These days the streets are nearly empty, but scores of
ethnic-Kachin civilians continue to pour into desolate camps on the
edge of town. A fierce Burmese military campaign is driving them into
the camps, and it shows no sign of abating one year on.
While the world’s attention is diverted by the political thaw in
lowland Myanmar, more than 75,000 Kachin (and counting) have been
displaced from their native lands since the army attacked a Kachin
Independence Army (KIA) outpost last June near a contested hydropower
dam site, ending a 17-year cease-fire. Rights groups accuse Myanmar’s
army of intentionally targeting civilians as part of their
counter-insurgency strategy. They also stand charged of such abuses as
rape, torture, forced conscription and summary executions.
Residents at a large camp on the outskirts of Maija Yang speak of
artillery barrages that have lasted for days, killing and maiming
civilians as they fled to the bush. Fresh waves of Kachin are still
arriving on foot from northern ShanState. Hostilities persist near the
route of the Shwe pipeline, a multi-billion dollar joint project that
is set to deliver [107]oil and gas from Myanmar’s coast to
south-western China.
Children separated from their parents sleep three to a bed in
sweltering concrete barracks. With Burmese authorities blocking their
access to the United Nations relief agency, they subsist on rations of
rice and salt provided by local Kachin organisations straining under
the pressure of new arrivals and monsoon rains. “It’s very bad right
now…and sooner or later it could be a worse situation,” says May Li
Awng, a Kachin aid worker who that has been helping tend to the
displaced since fighting erupted last year.
May Li Awng says that conditions are even worse for the 10,000 or more
Kachin refugees who are stranded on the Chinese side. There relief is
almost non-existent, due to China’s outright ban against foreign aid
groups and media coverage of the refugees. Basic necessities such as
food and medicine have to be smuggled across the border, where they are
desperately needed to treat a surge in water-borne disease. Some of the
refugees must even pay rent to the local landowners.
In [108]a report released earlier this month, Human Rights Watch
alleges China has gone so far as to order several hundred Kachin
refugees back into the war zone. To date, the Chinese government
has refused to classify the Kachin migrants on its soil as refugees.
Were it to grant them the status, China would be obligated by
international conventions to allow the UN and various Western
monitoring groups access to the borderlands, a scenario it wants to
avoid.
Indeed, despite its decades-long support for Myanmar’s regime, China
has never taken an official stance on its conflict with the Kachins.
Like the powerful Burmese generals who operate on the other side of the
border, it has sought to downplay the fighting in Kachin state, in
order to cultivate its business interests in and around the afflicted
area. Though remote and still economically under-developed, Kachin
state is rich with jade, gold, tropical hardwood and hydropower
potential—in which China has already invested billions, feeding a
construction boom in Yunnan province.
Both Myanmar’s army and the KIA have repeatedly linked Chinese-funded
dam projects to the fighting, none more so than [109]the controversial
Myitsone dam. Set to be the first and largest of seven dams that are
planned down the length of the Irrawaddy river, Myitsone would have
sent 90% of the electricity it generated to China, in exchange for $17
billion over 50 years.
Adding their numbers to the tens of thousands displaced by the war,
another 12,000 Kachin have been forcibly relocated by Myanmar’s
government into Chinese-built “model villages” (pictured above), in
order to clear the way for the dam site. The transplants have received
free homes and appliances but they lack freedom of movement. A host of
mining and timber projects have ravaged their native lands in the
meantime.
Last year the work at Myitsone was halted by the president, Thein Sein,
after unprecedented protests over its social and environmental impact.
His move was a shot in the arm for civic groups, yet many observers are
convinced it was merely a temporary postponement. China is lobbying
hard in Myanmar with a mix of carrot-and-stick measures designed to
jump-start the dam’s construction; sometimes they insist that work on
the dam has never actually stopped. The rights groups also harbour
doubts about the ultimate authority of Myanmar’s new civilian
leadership, which is bound by a rigid constitution and anyway largely
comprised of former military figures.
The consensus among locals in Kachin state is that work on the Mytisone
dam will start up again at full steam after the monsoon rains have
subsided. “Even if [Mr Thein] Sein is serious about reforming this
country, his power is limited; he can be removed at any time,” says a
Kachin community leader in the northern city of Myitkyina, who refused
to be identified. “How do we really know he’s not just being used by
the military leaders to extract more money and prestige from the West?”
In Kachin state, business as usual may suit the interests of Burma’s
shadowy generals and some of their Chinese counterparts. So long as the
fighting continues, the prospects for a peaceful homecoming for the
thousands of Kachins stuck outside their homeland look as bleak as
ever.
(Picture credit: J.M. | The Economist)
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[139]guest-iojwmwa Jul 17th 2012 1:54 GMT
The ‘pro-democracy’ Myanmar’s groups and individuals celebrated by
Western governments for objecting to the country’s military junta are
also taking part in the war against minorities. Writing in the Sydney
Morning Herald on July 8, Hanna Hindstrom reported that one
pro-democracy group stated on Twitter that “[t]he so-called Rohingya
are liars,” while another social media user said, “We must kill all the
kalar.” Kalar is a racist slur applied to dark-skinned people from the
Indian subcontinent
[140]http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2012/07/16/251205/democracy-and-slaug
hter-i...
The Burmese hates Indians. India should do its part to protect the
Rohinya population.
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[145]happyfish18 [146]in reply to guest-iojwmwa Jul 17th 2012 7:41 GMT
Better still if the Indian just annex the Myanmar or the Rakhine state
based on the plea from the Rohingya Kalar compatriots.
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[151]guest-iojwmwa [152]in reply to happyfish18 Jul 17th 2012 8:01 GMT
Why would India want to rule over some racist barbarians who are racist
against all Indian-looking people?
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[157]indica [158]in reply to guest-iojwmwa Jul 20th 2012 1:48 GMT
This Economist essay has nothing directly to do with 'Rohingyas' or
India, does it? The minority this essay focuses upon are the Kachins.
Are you trying to be 'clever' or 'cute' or 'stupid', in diverting
attention over to Rohingyas and India?
I see that your 'echo' 'happyfish18' is there for you.
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[163]guest-iojneim [164]in reply to indica Jul 20th 2012 9:04 GMT
But oh this article has everything to do with the Rohingyas and India.
You see the Bamar are killing the Rohingyas and Kachin right now in
their quest to destabilize the world, but they will target Indians when
they get the chance to. So don't turn your back on the Bamar, because
they will kill you before you know it. (You see, the Bamar want to kill
all "Kalar", like you.)
You should think more globally, and less tribally.
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[169]indica [170]in reply to guest-iojneim Jul 21st 2012 2:18 GMT
Do not preach to me or say things like "the Bamar want to kill all
'kalar' like you". Your thinking is the most 'tribal' I have come
across.
Have you seen me, what do you know about my being "kalar" or not?
Indians have been living in Burma peacefully, for many centuries. Early
Buddhist teachers in Burma have been Indians.
Rohingyas view BANGLADESH as their country of origin - NOT India.
You think 'globally' did you say? India and B'desh are two different
countries, did you know that?
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[175]guest-ioajimj [176]in reply to indica Jul 21st 2012 4:29 GMT
As mentioned in the article (and you can easily use Google to verify
this fact), the "Kalar" refer to all people from the Indian
subcontinent, and the Burmese hate and want to kill all "Kalar."
The Rohingya actually view MYANMAR as their "country of origin" because
they've been there for many generations. Before that they were probably
Bangladeshi, and before that they were just "Indians."
I know that India has some disagreements with Bangladesh and Pakistan
from time to time but you don't feel disgusted when racist Barbaric
Burma wants to "kill all Kalar"?
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[181]indica [182]in reply to guest-ioajimj Jul 22nd 2012 2:13 GMT
Racism is not good. Okay. There is trouble over 'Rohingyas' and
Burmans. Yes.
But there are many Indians in different parts of Burma, many of them
Tamils and many from other parts of India. Some have married Burmese
ladies and settled down in Burma.
As you drive through any town of reasonable size in Burma you see
Indian people, especially, Yangon and Mandalay.
I have no confirmation that "All Burmans hate Indians".
Finally, when Indians living in your country say they face no
discrimination at all, then, I will agree with your posts.
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[187]guest-ioameoe [188]in reply to indica Jul 22nd 2012 18:28 GMT
Are Indians being killed and driven from their homes by the hundreds of
thousands in China? I think not. Indians probably face as much
discrimination in China as they do in the West. Unfortunately there is
still small amounts of discrimination in all parts of the world.
But Indians are being massacred and driven from their homes in Burma.
What the Burmese are doing to the Rohingyas is quite possible the worst
1-sided genocide (the Rohingyas have no army to protect themselves)
since WW2.
I think the "discrimination" Indians face in Burma is many orders of
magnitude worse than they face in the West or China.
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[193]tocharian Jul 16th 2012 18:19 GMT
Here is a recent article in the official Chinese propaganda newspaper
"China Global Times" about the gas/oil pipeline:
[194]http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/721413.shtml
The pipeline will cut through Burma to deliver gas and oil from the
terminal at Kyaukphyu (in Rakhaing State where the Rohingya also live)
to Yunnan. There will be almost no benefits for the people in Burma if
you forget the bribes for the corrupt "Chinese axe-handles" (tayoke
pu-hsein-yoe) at the very top of the food-chain in Burma. Chinese
invasive extractive projects, without any attention to environmental
and social effects are ubiquitous (not just in Burma!). Confiscating
ancestral lands from farmers is a serious human rights issue.
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[199]guest-iojwmwa [200]in reply to tocharian Jul 16th 2012 19:22 GMT
Well let's see, the West doesn't want to invest in Burma because you
are a bunch of barbarians who love to kill each other and occasionally
gang up to commit genocide against the Rohinyas. The Rohingya issue
could very well prevent the real, important, sanctions to be lifted,
and even if it were lifted few Westerners would want to invest in
far-away and violent Burma that doesn't have oil.
The Chinese (and other Asians like the Thai and Koreans) are corrupt
enough to invest in ultra-corrupt and ultra-barbaric Burma, but you
don't want them there.
So what's the solution? Keep killing the Rohingyas and "seize and
repatriate" all Chinese investments to give back to the Burmese! If it
worked for Robert Mugabe against the white people in Zimbabwe, it'll
work for the Burmese against the Chinese too!
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[205]guest-iojwmwa [206]in reply to tocharian Jul 16th 2012 20:16 GMT
By the way, you'll notice that the West does not have sanctions on many
"resource rich" African countries, and yet invests very little there.
Why? Because of geography. The cost of transportation of minerals just
isn't worth it. Eg Americans can buy more cheaply from Canada, even if
it has to pay higher production costs, than it can from Africa because
the transportation costs outweighs the production costs.
In a country as dysfunctional and violent as Burma, its own asset is
its natural resources. (Eg nobody in their right mind would try to
start a Microsoft or Apple there.) That leaves Burma with two potential
buyers/investors, which are India and China. Throw in a Thailand and
you may get to three, but oh wait the Burmese also hate the Thais (and
probably Indians as well).
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[211]tocharian [212]in reply to guest-iojwmwa Jul 16th 2012 21:06 GMT
Be careful about mentioning Zimbabwe and Mugabe. Lots of Chinese
"immigrants" live there "dining" on endangered species!
[213]http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/zim
babwe/...
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[218]guest-iojwmwa [219]in reply to tocharian Jul 17th 2012 1:43 GMT
Well I guess that eating turtles isn't as bad as mass-murdering
Indian-looking Muslims with helicopters.
[220]http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2012/07/16/251205/democracy-and-slaug
hter-i...
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[225]Devils Advocate_1 [226]in reply to tocharian Sep 19th 2012 6:25
GMT
[tocharianJul 16th, 18:19
Here is a recent article in the official Chinese propaganda newspaper
"China Global Times" about the gas/oil pipeline:
[227]http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/721413.shtml
The pipeline will cut through Burma to deliver gas and oil from the
terminal at Kyaukphyu (in Rakhaing State where the Rohingya also live)
to Yunnan. There will be almost no benefits for the people in Burma if
you forget the bribes for the corrupt "Chinese axe-handles" (tayoke
pu-hsein-yoe) at the very top of the food-chain in Burma. Chinese
invasive extractive projects, without any attention to environmental
and social effects are ubiquitous (not just in Burma!). Confiscating
ancestral lands from farmers is a serious human rights issue.]
The British Y-chromosome also cut through Aung San Suu Kyi with no
benefit to the people of Burma. What are you going to do about this
kind of corruption?
Devil's
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[232]happyfish18 Jul 16th 2012 4:42 GMT
Like all small ethnic everywhere, Kachins are fighting a losing ethnic
battle against Government and MNCs backed by neo-Imperialists, Cultural
and ethnic genocides are conveniently put aside or even encouraged in
favour of profits ringing up in the companies balance sheets.
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[237]tocharian Jul 13th 2012 15:12 GMT
Here is a quick "background info":
China has always been meddling in Burmese affairs. After WW II, the
remnants of Chiang Kaishek's KMT (Kuomingtang) army moved into the Shan
States to fight against Mao's communists. They started growing opium
there as a cash crop (and the CIA supported that). The Burmese Army, in
those days (early 50's) actually collaborated with Mao's troops in an
attempt to drive out the KMT. Many of the famous drug warlords in Shan
State like Khun Sa and Hsinghan Lo (father of Steven Law a junta crony)
are remnants of the KMT. After that China supported and supplied the
BCP (Burmese Communist Party). The older generals of the military junta
like Than Shwe and Maung Aye probably remember fighting combined BCP
and PLA troops in the 60's and the 70's. Those were very serious and
fierce battles, I remember. The US was fighting in Vietnam then. Mao
even tried to "export" his silly Cultural Revolution into Burma and
that was the main reason for the anti-Chinese riots in 1967 (I was
living in Rangoon during that period and I witnessed those things).
Some say Communists "agitators" were involved even in the infamous
"1988 uprising" which was brutally repressed by Ne Win (a half Chinese
by the way). The 20,000 man strong Wa ethnic amy (UWSA), the bigest
ethnic army in Burma, is a direct remnant of the BCP and is basically a
PLA proxy. In the 90's that drug-dealer-friend Khin Nyunt, who was the
then Prime Minister, made cease-fire deals with the "ethnic armies, so
that they have their own autonomous areas (turf, I would say) to freely
conduct their lucrative gambling, smuggling (timber, gold, jade etc.),
trafficking (drugs, girls (Thailand is a tourist-mecca for sex and
China has a surplus Y-chromosomes lol) etc.) operations, mainly along
the Chinese and Thai borders. That was the way, these rebel war-lords
funded themselves and their "armies" in collaboration with corrupt
local Chinese bosses in Yunnan. There were casinos, brothels, even golf
clubs along the border. Happy poppy fields period, I would say.
However, with China's "rise", things began to change. China started
having megalomaniac hegemonial dreams. Burma, because of its location
(direct access to the Bay of Bengal) became an important pawn in their
deep geo-strategic plans. That's why they are so obsessed about
building all these dams, gas/oil pipelines and naval bases in Burma.
Peking started bribing and bullying Than Shwe and his cronies to sign
MoU's that would let China exploit natural resources and use Burma as a
convenient gateway to the Indian ocean. Being cash-strapped under
Western sanctions (imposed by Suu Kyi lol), Than Shwe had no choice but
to comply. He and his cronies such as the business tycoon Tayza were
compensated royally with Chinese bribes that are stashed away in
Singaporean banks. Than Shwe and Khin Nyunt are gone and the cease-fire
is broken with the KIA (Kachin Independence Army). Now in a strange
twist, the KIA claims that they are fighting to prevent the Chinese
from exploiting "their land" and that the Burmese Army is paid by the
Chinese to protect Chinese mega-projects, such as the Myitsone dam and
the gas/oil pipeline (these invasive projects would have a devastating
impact on the ecosystem, not just locally). So what the Kachin rebels
have to understand is the "change in scale" of what's going on. It's no
longer "cross-border smuggling" where you make deals with the local
Yunnan chieftains. Things are now happening at a more global strategic
scale and as far as I can remember only the Burmese generals are
invited to Peking, no local war-lords. the game is played in a
different league now! Of course, the poor rural people everywhere in
Burma will suffer, all in the name of the Great Economic Leapfrog
Forward. The blue-eyed (naive) helpers, human rights activists,
aid-workers (NGO's, INGO's, AI, UNHCR, whatever) are pretty much small
fry in this big political landscape. They are nice people trying to
help but pretty much irrelevant (except for a few select refugees
waiting for a plane ticket to places like Fort Wayne Indiana!).
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[242]guest-isnnwws [243]in reply to tocharian Jul 13th 2012 15:27 GMT
BANGKOK — They have been called ogres and animals, terrorists and much
worse – when their existence is even acknowledged.
Asia's more than 1 million ethnic Rohingya Muslims are considered by
rights groups to be among the most persecuted people on Earth. Most
live in an anachronistic purgatory without passports, unable to travel
freely or call any place home.
In Myanmar, shaken this week by a bloody spasm of violence involving
Rohingyas in which dozens of civilians died, they are almost
universally despised. The military junta whose half-century of rule
ended only last year treated them as foreigners – fueling a profound
resentment now reflected in waves of vitriol being posted online.
"People feel it very acceptable to say that 'We will work on wiping out
all the Rohingyas,'" said Debbie Stothard, an activist with the
Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, referring to hyperbolic Internet
comments she called "disturbing."
[244]http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/06/14/myanmar-conflict-rohingya
-musli...
Well if the Burmese Barbarians are such genocide-lovers, as Debbie
Stothard pointed out, maybe they are in need of some foreigners to
teach them that genocide is bad?
You Bamars may think that Burma belongs to you and the Rohingyas are
slaves whom you can murder at your pleasure, but the world won't let it
happen!
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[249]tocharian [250]in reply to tocharian Jul 13th 2012 15:29 GMT
I should also add that the porous borders and rampant corruption
created an ideal situation for all these illegal immigrants (a lot of
Rohingya but even more Chinese) that some Burmese are so "outraged"
about. Blame it on Khin Nyunt! In fact, I was once asked (of course
informally) by someone who has some kind of connection to the Chinese,
whether I would like to go back to Burma, because he can "arrange
things for me" so that I can "buy" a Burmese ID. Such is the
"Sino-Myanmar "paukphaw" relationship" that even Suu Kyi is praising!
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[255]guest-isnnwws [256]in reply to tocharian Jul 13th 2012 15:38 GMT
Actually the Rohingyas have been in Burma for many generations, and in
most "civilized countries" (like the USA), if you are born there, you
are automatically entitled citizenship, even if your parents were
illegal immigrants.
But I guess the Burmese are Barbarians and thus want to keep a million
or so Rohingya slaves to serve their genocidal needs.
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[261]tocharian [262]in reply to guest-isnnwws Jul 13th 2012 15:52 GMT
I agree that many Rohingyas and also many Chinese, like the ones in
Kokang region, have been living in Burma for many generations, but
there are also a lot of recent immigrants and those are mainly from
China (and a few from Bangladesh too, I think). I am not saying what
the rules of citizenship should be in Burma, even Suu Kyi said she
"doesn't know". I am just pointing out the blatant "a-symmetry" between
the way Rohingyas are treated and Chinese are viewed by many Burmese. I
think it's hypocritical. For me, Rohingyas are no different from
Chinese! Chinese are also humans like Rohingya, no? I don't believe in
"ethnicity".
By the way, China doesn't automatically give citizenship to everyone
born in China, so is China "uncivilized"?
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[267]guest-iojjjaw [268]in reply to tocharian Jul 13th 2012 15:57 GMT
Yes it is very sad that even Suu Kyi, your British-educated
1-Kyat-Master, is racist toward the Rohingyas. Surely she knows that
they have lived in Burma for many generations and thus should be
citizens in accordance to British values of universal rights, but she
chooses to be a racist genocide-appeaser anyways.
"I don't believe in "ethnicity"."
Of course you believe in ethnicity. You believe that the Bamar are
genetically superior to the Rohingyas and Chinese and want to wipe out
the Rohingyas (nd Chinese), as Debbie Strothard has clearly shown.
"By the way, China doesn't automatically give citizenship to everyone
born in China, so is China "uncivilized"?"
Actually it does. If you have a birth certificate in China, then you
are automatically entitled to Chinese citizenship. In fact I personally
know a few black couples (immigrants from Africa) who have recently
gave birth in China and registered their (100% ethnically African)
babies as Chinese citizens.
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[273]tocharian [274]in reply to guest-iojjjaw Jul 13th 2012 16:37 GMT
I am actually mixed (a bit of Rohingya, a bit of Sentinelese, a bit of
Pyu, a bit of Mon, who knows?)
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[279]happyfish18 [280]in reply to tocharian Jul 14th 2012 14:01 GMT
Hope more of your less fortunate Rohingya Bangla compatriots can join
your Jihad against the Myanmarese Junta-led government from your safe
haven in Canada,
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[285]worldtraveller811 [286]in reply to tocharian Jul 15th 2012 5:33
GMT
Congratulation and thank you very much, tocharian, for this ecellent
historical & political comprehension.
If you had delivered that qualified "excursion in a nutshell" to
western embassadors two decades before it might have caused an impact
on (at that time) shortsighted western political decisions referring
sanctions on Burma.
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[291]worldtraveller811 [292]in reply to tocharian Jul 15th 2012 5:56
GMT
Thank you very much, tocharian, for this excellent historical and
political comprehension ("excursion in a nushell") on the complex
situation in Burma a few decades ago and its impact until present time.
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[297]worldtraveller811 [298]in reply to tocharian Jul 15th 2012 6:04
GMT
@tocharian
Thank you very much for this excellent historical and politcal
comprehension which makes it clear to us how complex and difficult the
situation in Burma was and how it has caused impacts until the present
time.
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[303]ouyoumei [304]in reply to tocharian Jul 15th 2012 23:22 GMT
KMT didn't 'start' growing those opium, those fields were the legacy of
British colonialism, at the century of expense against the Chinese. The
KMT presence in Burma was covert operation supported by America, it is
called 'Operation Paper,' an attempt to divert Mao's troop away from
the Korean War. And the remnant troops left Burma in the 60's.
What are you trying to achieve here, stereotyping specifically the
Chinese. The Cold War was a global wide contest with the possibility of
total annihilation for mankind. Part of the Containment Policy,
capitalist troops spread across the entire Asian Continent, fighting
from Korea, Taiwan, Indochina, Tibet, Turkey and later to Afghanistan.
What was at stake was the entire planet, which outweighs much more than
the insignificant Bamar-centric racist self interest.
And be ashamed you are nagging now without even thinking about
contributing to global stability and prosperity in the past. Knowing
Bamar are this disproportionately selfish, I feel sorry for those hard
working self sacrificing Tzu Chi volunteers whom are still continuing
their rigorous aid work since the devastating Burmese cyclone.
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[309]happyfish18 [310]in reply to tocharian Jul 16th 2012 3:45 GMT
If it is supported by the KMT, then it is supported covertly by the CIA
to undermine the Government. If it is supported by the CCP, then it
must be contained. That is why the Myanmarese are suffering from the
Western interferences to develop out of poverty. This pattern of
Western patronage is seen throughout the developing world like in
Africa and Latin America, Fortunately these areas have seen some rapid
development after half a century of struggles against colonialism,
Nevertheless the neo-Imperialists are always there to stir up Chaos and
civil wars using excuses like drugs, ethnic conflicts etc. like what
Mexico's Calderon has warned. Today Myanmar could be in the throe of
another ethnic war encouraged by outside interferences.
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[315]worldtraveller811 [316]in reply to tocharian Jul 16th 2012 5:30
GMT
@tocharian
Thank you very much for this excellent historical and political
comprehension
about the past in Burma and its impacts which we still feel at present
time.
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[321]happyfish18 Jul 13th 2012 12:58 GMT
Of the 100+ odd ethnicities, the priority seems to be to resettle the
Rohingya Banglas ethnics in UK, Australia, Canada, Norway, US etc.
under a human rights program in order for them to practice their
Syariah Laws. The problem with other ethnics is relatively
straight-forward as it can be easily resolved through faster
development of the Myanmar economy and politician Aung San democracy.
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[326]Udoit Jul 13th 2012 6:56 GMT
Its Yugoslavia 2.0 Sooner they go their separate ways the sooner
healing process will start.
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[331]moe aung [332]in reply to Udoit Jul 13th 2012 22:27 GMT
The Burmese are not Serbs, Uidiot.
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[337]guest-iojjmmj [338]in reply to moe aung Jul 13th 2012 22:33 GMT
But "Myanmar" (whatever that is) sure does resemble the former
Yugoslavia.
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[343]moe aung [344]in reply to guest-iojjmmj Jul 13th 2012 23:28 GMT
Burma (Myanmar) is not Yugowhatever. Resemblance very superficial. All
the minorities together make up only a third of the population. That's
why it's called the Union of Burma (Myanmar).
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[349]guest-iojjmmj [350]in reply to moe aung Jul 14th 2012 1:22 GMT
Then why do most ethnic groups have their own armies of independence?
Why do many ethnic minorities feel as though the Bamar are out to
destroy them?
Too bad the Rohingyas are too poor to buy the weapons needed to defend
themselves from the Bamar genocide. I think a rich Saudi oil tycoon
should donate a few million to train a Rohingya army.
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[355]moe aung [356]in reply to guest-iojjmmj Jul 14th 2012 14:03 GMT
Got their own [357]spokemen, [358]lobbyists, even Jihadists,
Jamal/Majeed whatever. Never you worry.
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[363]guest-iojjmmj [364]in reply to moe aung Jul 14th 2012 16:38 GMT
All of these people are foreigners who are only talking about the
Rohingya genocide. I want them to do more action and less talking and
buy the Rohingyas some weapons!
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[369]guest-isnnmej Jul 13th 2012 3:28 GMT
The only thing that can unite India, Pakistan, China, Bangladesh, and
all other Muslim and dark skinned countries is hatred toward Burma.
The Burmese are performing ethnic cleansing against the dark skinned
and Muslims, so it's no surprise the victims and people related to the
victims dislike the Burmese.
[370]http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/13/opinion/ethnic-cleansing-of-myan
mars-r...
[371]http://india.nydailynews.com/newsarticle/4fff17e7c3d4caaa1f000000/
myanma...
India, Pakistan, and China may have their differences, but at least
these differences are, for the past 3 decades, settled in peaceful and
diplomatic ways. (Mumbai bombing not withstanding)
An enemy of an enemy is a friend, and all of Asia (and perhaps the rest
of the world?) should be united against Burma.
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[376]guest-isnnmoe [377]in reply to guest-isnnmej Jul 13th 2012 5:04
GMT
BANGKOK — They have been called ogres and animals, terrorists and much
worse – when their existence is even acknowledged.
Asia's more than 1 million ethnic Rohingya Muslims are considered by
rights groups to be among the most persecuted people on Earth. Most
live in an anachronistic purgatory without passports, unable to travel
freely or call any place home.
In Myanmar, shaken this week by a bloody spasm of violence involving
Rohingyas in which dozens of civilians died, they are almost
universally despised. The military junta whose half-century of rule
ended only last year treated them as foreigners – fueling a profound
resentment now reflected in waves of vitriol being posted online.
"People feel it very acceptable to say that 'We will work on wiping out
all the Rohingyas,'" said Debbie Stothard, an activist with the
Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, referring to hyperbolic Internet
comments she called "disturbing."
[378]http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/06/14/myanmar-conflict-rohingya
-musli...
It seems that the vast majority of Burmese are racist genocide lovers,
as seem by their Internet comments. "People feel it very acceptable to
say that 'We will work on wiping out all the Rohingyas" said Debbie
Stothard.
The world must unite to put an end to Burmese racist genocidal
ambitions before it spreads.
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[383]moe aung [384]in reply to guest-isnnmej Jul 13th 2012 12:03 GMT
Never realised Burma was inhabited by white Caucasians/KKK. Hatemongers
unite, eh? Incredible intellect in evidence here on TE. Truly
remarkable.
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[389]guest-isnnwws [390]in reply to moe aung Jul 13th 2012 15:24 GMT
Actually the KKK are another racist group in another part of the world.
(But I understand why an uneducated Burmese may be confused.)
The Burmese, at least the ones who comment on the Internet, are clearly
OK with committing genocide against the Rohinyas. Let me repeat:
"People feel it very acceptable to say that 'We will work on wiping out
all the Rohingyas" said Debbie Stothard.
The world must perform its moral duty to stop the Burmese from such
atrocities. Rwanda happened, Darfur happened, and hopefully we can stop
the Rohingyas genocide before they are completely wiped out by you
Burmese murderers.
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[395]moe aung [396]in reply to guest-isnnwws Jul 13th 2012 16:01 GMT
Steady on, Nawaz. Never go and provoke the Burmese, or do it at your
peril. Threats and abusive language do not amount to genocide. But
ethnic cleansing has already been carried out by the Chittagonians in
the three townships next to the border. Newton's Third Law of Motion
applies here, genius. Aggression begets aggression. Respect begets
respect.
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[401]guest-iojjjaw [402]in reply to moe aung Jul 13th 2012 16:21 GMT
Oh ok my mistake. The Burmese are mostly only talking about committing
genocide at this point (like you mentioned), but haven't ramped up
their genocide-committing to full speed yet. (Maybe they will in the
near future?)
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[407]moe aung [408]in reply to guest-iojjjaw Jul 13th 2012 22:22 GMT
You betcha.
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[413]guest-iojjmmj [414]in reply to moe aung Jul 13th 2012 22:32 GMT
See (tocharian/Adam Onge/whatever else you're known as on this
website), your Burmese relative just proved my point.
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[419]moe aung [420]in reply to guest-iojjmmj Jul 14th 2012 14:05 GMT
Obviously they don't do sarcasm or irony here, toch.
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[425]guest-iojjmmj [426]in reply to moe aung Jul 14th 2012 16:26 GMT
How is it sarcasm? Do you even know what sarcasm means? Let's review:
I quoted: "People feel it very acceptable to say that 'We will work on
wiping out all the Rohingyas,'" said Debbie Stothard, an activist with
the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma, referring to hyperbolic
Internet comments she called "disturbing."
Then you wrote: Threats and abusive language do not amount to genocide.
Then I wrote: Oh ok my mistake. The Burmese are mostly only talking
about committing genocide at this point (like you mentioned), but
haven't ramped up their genocide-committing to full speed yet.
How is this sarcasm at all? You are talking about committing genocide
on the Internet (and this is well documented by many Western
newspapers) against the Rohingyas.
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[431]tocharian [432]in reply to moe aung Jul 14th 2012 17:13 GMT
Like most "Myanmarese" you are very naive, about Rohingyas but even
more so about Chinese. These commentators that you are replying to are
not "Bangladeshi Muslims". They are Chinese. Some of these comments,
like the ones by guest-isnoowi are actually my comments about China,
which they have reverse-engineered (change some words) to get back at
me (Chinese WMD's change their names all the time and use these
guest-xxxxxxx log-ins).
Anyway, this article is about the Kachins, not about the Rohingyas, but
the Chinese are using this "ugly" issue because they want to exploit
that "anti-Rohingya" sentiment, which many "Myanmarese" seem to have
nowadays. I speculate that this is partly fueled by the USDP (whose
leaders have business ties to China) and is probably related to the
Kyaukphyu naval base and terminal of the gas/oil pipeline that the
Chinese are building.
My advice to the Kachins and all the other "Myanmarese":
Think global and stop acting local (or tribal lol).
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[437]Bismarck888 [438]in reply to moe aung Jul 14th 2012 17:19 GMT
You think Myanmar will get away with it, because they are Muslim. As
long as they don't go all Jihadi and blow up Trader's Hotel in Yangon
(its a Singaporean Chain), some in the West will be sympathetic.
Myanmar is not Thailand, who have a raging Malay Muslim insurgency in
Southern Thailand. Instead Myanmar is pariah state trying to get bank
into the good graces of the international community. Thailand gets away
with it, because they earned blowjob points for blowing horny
Western/Chinese sex tourist. That is reality. And the Thais have a lot
of blow job points.
The basic impulse in a bureaucracy is to do nothing.or work to maintain
the status quo. The treatment of the Rohingya provides an reason for
Western governments not to do anything.
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[443]Bismarck888 [444]in reply to tocharian Jul 14th 2012 17:39 GMT
guest-xxxxx is not WMD, he just likes to irritate you, because you
think everything is a Chinese conspiracy. He is some 20 something half
Chinese screwing himself through Shanghai. Most other Chinese are not
all that interesting in the Rohingya.
If there is a nation that is has screwed itself so well without the
assistant of malignant outside forces, Burma would win top prize. The
funny thing is Aung Sang Suu Kyi had no issues with Junta during their
post destructive period (1962-1990), when they were closed off Burma
from the outside world. The paradox is just when the Junta starts to
open up in the late 1980s, Aung Sang Su Kyi emerges. Where was she
during 1960-1990?.
Like the Junta, you and moe aung like to conjure up conspiracy theories
and ghost. In the Junta's case its the outside world (no one in
particular, at least they are not Racist), in your case its the
Chinese, in moe aung, its Muslims. Is it some inbreed trait? Sooner or
later, Burma will decide to close itself off, because they can't take
the criticism.
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[449]guest-iojjmmj [450]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 14th 2012 18:33 GMT
lol that was funny...
By the way, @ tocharia/Adam Onge, you're not so much naive as you are
delusional. I wonder if the military junta is delusional like you or
naive like moe?
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[455]moe aung [456]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 14th 2012 18:33 GMT
Not a Muslim issue per se, genius. It's a territorial issue. The Camel
and the Arab. How many times!
Ever heard of the 8888 Uprising, somewhere in between 1962 and 1990,
capiche? That's what gave birth to ASSK's role and the National League
for Democracy.
And BTW criticism cuts both ways, Sherlock. Tsk, tsk, tsk...touchy!
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[461]moe aung [462]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 14th 2012 19:07 GMT
Well done, son. Ever heard of the [463]Mujahid Party of Arakan led by
Jaffar Kawal?
Shall we look at the way the Chittagonian/Rohingya have [464]behaved
like 'good citizens' in their host country?
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[469]moe aung [470]in reply to guest-iojjmmj Jul 14th 2012 19:25 GMT
Genocide is always an emotive term, my son. Ethnic cleansing rather
less so, don't you think? Look who has actually done that kind of
[471]ethnic cleansing in northern Arakan in living memory (p 406-7).
It's well documented by the British, your colonial masters. Western
enough for you?
You wouldn't know sarcasm if it bit you, Master Shifu.
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[476]moe aung [477]in reply to tocharian Jul 14th 2012 19:40 GMT
Don't care if they are Indo-Chinese, or Martians for that matter.
You are a fine one to talk, toch. Talk, toch, geddit? Think Chinese
when the Chinese think global, no? Think outside that China box, it's
fragile.
Obsession is not pretty, my good man. You know as well as I do both the
Chinese (Tayoke) and the Rohingya (Kalar) are asking for it. Their so
called leaders don't really care, from Saudi Arabia, London and
Washington, or Beijing, even Kunming. It's the hapless albeit ambitious
driven folk in the front line that will get it in the neck. Burmese
Muslims are smart enough to stay out of it, at least in public.
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[482]Bismarck888 [483]in reply to moe aung Jul 15th 2012 0:35 GMT
The assumption that the West will give you and other Bamars a blow job,
is arrogant. It takes a long time to win the sympathy of the West, so
Myanmar can get away with murder of the Rohingya. Westerners don't give
a crap about your argument that they are forming a separate state. Or
that they are Muslim radicals. Unless Myanmar has a long record as a
Western f*** buddy (ie Thailand or the Philippines), the West will not
ignore what is happening to Rohingya and lift most of hte sanctions.
Why don't you use your many talents, and offer your services to
Myanmar? Your backside might not like it so much. On the international
stage, Myanmar is like the street punk who has been jailed for 10 years
for assault, and now he is out on probation, and the first thing he
does is beats a poor lady to a coma. Really smart, but that is
expected, for a country that has won the award for "Self Abuse" for 60
years running. Even North Korea has an excuse.
You can brag about evil Muslims are, watch out blah blah. Muhammad in
Saudi Arabia is able to enjoy a refreshing cold bottle of Coca Cola.
Coca Cola represents civilization. Unfortunately, at this moment,
Burmese, are not civilized even to enjoy a ice cold bottle of Coke yet.
No need for Coke, you guys got Heroin. "Inject, snort, I don't really
care, as long as I get my daily fix" should be the national anthem.
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[488]moe aung [489]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 15th 2012 1:10 GMT
Now, now, language, my son. Go wash your filthy mouth out.
With friends like you the Rohingya don't need enemies. Who says 'evil
Muslims'? Not me. It's an emotive word best reserved for insecure
semi-literate 'commenters', like you perhaps. Did I mention Hitler or
the Nazis?
And don't bank on your white masters, Bishr. They sell Coke (your
favourite, enterprising to the point of gun-running even to the native
Americans while they were busy ethnic cleansing the same people), and
snort some of the other kind themselves. Very civilised, eh?
Ever heard of [490]what Gandhi thought of Western civilisation?
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[495]Bismarck888 [496]in reply to moe aung Jul 15th 2012 2:02 GMT
As for the word Evil, use what ever word you like. But that does not
change the fact that Myanmar is poor, backward, war ravaged and
isolated.
I guess you want to turn Burma into a Gandhian Utopia, please be my
guest. I don't see how different it is from what the Junta have done
for the past 40-50 years?
The problem is you are fixated with being your own master, doing what
use please. Your line of reasoning is the very same reasoning that led
to Burma closing itself off from the outside world for 40+ years. Even
the North Koreans shut themselves off after 1955, they at least had
friends in the Eastern Bloc. The same with Cuba. It takes talent to
shut yourself off from everybody as the Junta did in the 1960s.
You like it or not, its a white man / yellow's man world. Even the
yellow man by himself, is not enough to lift Myanmar from economic
destitution. The Koreans, Thai-Chinese businessmen, Singaporeans,
Chinese have all invested heavily in Myanmar, but unfortunately its not
enough.
Given a choice, I rather be under Western/Chinese tutelage, than a
Burmese, most people here would feel the same. Being free of
Western/Chinese domination when your country is mired in poverty, war,
backwardness, isolation is not freedom, its just another form of
oppression.
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[501]moe aung [502]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 15th 2012 10:18 GMT
Talk about freedom and independence for minorities and the rest.
Perhaps you belong to that kind of spineless servile race that has
convinced itself they'll continue to thrive in the Sino-American
dominated New World Order. The freedom and prosperity of sweat shops
and brothels until they find another source of cheap labour to exploit
and raw materials to extract. Plenty of coke of both sorts for you,
Bishr.
I admire those minorities who fight back against chauvinism and
oppression. The Rohingya have done it, so have the Tamils, whatever the
outcome, whatever the agenda hidden or overt, however they evolved.
That's why we are fighting to throw off the military yoke, and in a
class struggle, unlike the fight for independence, it's neither
literally nor metaphorically black and white. Ever heard of [503]La
Pasionaria?
We'll make our own way in the world, and no foreigners, white or
coloured, are going to tell us what to do. And we will throw off the
military yoke that oppresses all the myriad peoples of Burma including
the Rohingya, outside help or no. Grow a spine, Bishr.
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[508]guest-iojmwss [509]in reply to moe aung Jul 15th 2012 15:17 GMT
Actually, according to most if not all accounts of Western media, it's
the ordinary Burmese who are trying to oppress and murder the
Rohingyas, and the military is, in general, doing its job to stop the
bloodshed.
But hey obviously Suu Kyi is way too rational and worldly to lead
Burma. (Although even she is racist, which makes her acceptable in
Burma I guess.) I'm instead hoping that an insanely nationalist person
with no understanding of economics or common sense like you or
tocharian will take over. Such an event would lead to very funny
results.
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[514]moe aung [515]in reply to guest-iojmwss Jul 15th 2012 16:21 GMT
Guess you never had an inkling, Wise-ass, of the military elite in
Burma stoking up racial hatred and instigating race riots whenever they
need to [516]wriggle out of a crisis. The more fool you if you reckon
the military stops bloodshed. Ever heard of the [517]anti-Chinese riots
of 1967?
ASSK or anyone like me would have none of that. Only a village idiot,
who believes everything the Western media have to say, would think that
'an insanely nationalist person with no understanding of economics or
common sense will take over' and 'such an event would lead to very
funny results'.
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[522]guest-iojmlii [523]in reply to moe aung Jul 15th 2012 17:11 GMT
You remind me of Bashir al-Assad while tocharian reminds me of Robert
Mugabe. Maybe you two, or someone like you two, can rule Burma
together?
You can alienate Western popular opinion by killing more Rohingyas and
tocharian can alienate the global business community and Eastern
popular opinion by seizing and "repatriating" all yellow people
investments in Burma.
Forget Suu Kyi, she makes way too much sense for Burma! She should go
retire in Thailand and you and tocharian should rule Burma!
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[528]Bismarck888 [529]in reply to moe aung Jul 15th 2012 18:35 GMT
Only to end up working as maids in maid/hookers in Thailand. All that
resistance and hostility and you get the same result. Instead of being
oppressed by Yellow and white man, you are doing jobs that other brown
people don't want. Few native Thais work as maids in Thailand, they
only work for foreigners or rich Thai households. Most of the maid are
Burmese and Cambodians.
The fact is they are dictating the terms, whether you like it or not.
Why do you think the Junta is trying to reform? Do you think they are
doing it purely based on altruism. So essentially you are arguing that
the sanctions are not important.
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[534]moe aung [535]in reply to guest-iojmlii Jul 15th 2012 18:52 GMT
I'm guessing popular opinion also means votes to you. That's the reason
politicians care for popular opinion. [536]U Nu bought Chittagonian
Bengali votes in the 1960 elections, so did [537]the USDP in 2010.
Can't speak for toch, but popular struggle is what I believe in. Assad
is a dynastic ruler, and Mugabe got corrupted by office. ASSK isn't
going to retire any time soon but she'd better be less elitist and not
lose touch with the masses.
You can always do business with anyone on fair and mutually beneficial
terms, and Burma should be looking to the outside world for trade and
commerce, for investments, not looking inwards although self
reliance/self sufficiency must be the principal goal. And it doesn't
mean you let them walk all over you because they have the
commercial/financial clout. Caveat emptor, definitely.
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[542]Bismarck888 [543]in reply to moe aung Jul 15th 2012 19:37 GMT
The world is different from what it was 30-40 years ago, countries like
China, could gradually reform. Now the world is much more open, the
standard of openness is much higher than it was 40 years ago. Reform
members of the Junta, know that to attract foreign investment you have
to match the likes of Thailand/Philippines in terms of Foreign
investment law in a short amount of time. Myanmar is not China, it
can't dictate terms, I am sorry its just not big enough. It will be a
shock to the likes of you, how far the Junta will go eventually.
You think democracy is a cure for Myanmar, it doubt it alone will solve
the minority question. When multi-ethnic authoritarian states
transition to democracy or lose control, uncertainty and a vacuum
exist. Separatist forces will make a dash for independence. And there
are alot of them in Myanmar. many of them armed. Really there are three
alternatives
1) Independence
2) Suppressing them.
3) Granting them greater autonomy and allow them to have representation
in the central government, reserve positions for them. Create a second
chamber where all the ethnic minorities if they were united could
essentially veto legislation.
The problem with Myanmar, many of those ethnic groups already have a
large degree of autonomy and many of them are defacto independent.
Think that they will surrender that autonomy if the Bamars stopping
killing them is naive. I just don't think Junta and the ASSK can make
the ideological leap required. The problem with ASSK, she is in very
much her father's daughter. All that ASSK has is Panglong Agreement,
and it failed miserably shortly after it was agreed. Unfortunately, the
situation in Myanmar is not like it was in the 1960s, its even worse.
The problem is you think the world owe, Myanmar a living. So you
perception of how much you will have to put on the bargaining table is
ridiculously skewed. This applies to dealing with the outside world and
dealing with the ethnic minorities.
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[548]moe aung [549]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 15th 2012 20:36 GMT
Rather obsessed by colour, aren't you, Bishr? What does it matter when
deprivation and exploitation happen everywhere in this world? You can
drink your ice cold Coke and still be a wage slave where you are.
Gullible people may believe the military is carrying out 'reforms' for
the good of the country, and not to line their own pockets and entrench
military domination. Others you know who have their own agenda to laud
their 'sincere efforts'.
The sanctions debate has been done to death, it's time has come and
gone. They cannot now stop the corporate juggernauts once they've got
the green light by the political elites that depend on the support of
Big Business which of course the West truly represents consistently
throughout history. He who pays the piper.... Gunboat diplomacy may no
longer be necessary when globalisation and free trade do the job today.
Still they ain't past bombing and invading a country when it suits
them.
Still the world will see what the Burmese are made of even in a far
from ideal exploitative environment.
The Chinese invaded four times in the 18th C and each time they were
repelled at the border. India never was regarded as a real threat until
Chittagong under the British became the casus belli for the First
Anglo-Burmese War. That's when the Rohingya cuckoo was hatched and
deposited in the Arakan nest.
The Thais still have nightmares about the Burmese, now not just
invading but staying until things change back home. At least to her
credit Thailand's hospitality for Burmese refugees and migrants alike
(given the historical enmity, even as second class citizens
discriminated against and exploited) stands in sharp contrast with
Bangladesh's disgraceful treatment of its own kind. Makes you wonder if
it is stereotypical Kalar behaviour, don't you think?
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[554]moe aung [555]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 15th 2012 21:12 GMT
Thought you were talking some sense first, then you contradict
yourself.
And why do you think it's worse now than in the 60s? Self isolation
gave over to quasi-globalisation (after the game changing event of the
8888 Uprising) at least in the region plus Japan, Korea N&S and Russia,
but without the West. This made the military stronger. The ceasefire
deals with lucrative business opportunities for the armed ethnic groups
that Khin Nyunt made possible in turn made those groups stronger,
though on a much smaller smaller scale rather similar to the
Sino-American detente post-Mao made China what it is today. You've
created a monster inadvertently through your own selfish designs.
Nobody owes us a living. You make your bed and you lie in it. No, Burma
is not big enough, nowhere near China's position. But that wouldn't
stop the generals from trying. Why are the British always trying to
punch above their weight? They usually end up as sidekicks at best and
poodles at worst to the Americans. Still world domination has been the
white man's obsession, not the Asian's, not since [556]Genghis Khan.
And I doubt it the generals' wish ever was to be China's poodle.
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[561]Bismarck888 [562]in reply to moe aung Jul 16th 2012 5:04 GMT
"And why do you think it's worse now than in the 60s? Self isolation
gave over to quasi-globalisation (after the game changing event of the
8888 Uprising) at least in the region plus Japan, Korea N&S and Russia,
but without the West. This made the military stronger. The ceasefire
deals with lucrative business opportunities for the armed ethnic groups
that Khin Nyunt made possible in turn made those groups stronger,
though on a much smaller smaller scale rather similar to the
Sino-American detente post-Mao made China what it is today. You've
created a monster inadvertently through your own selfish designs."
One has the benefit of hindsight with regards to China, but at the the
US was more scared of the USSR at the time. It took a long time before
the West imposed sanctions, in 1996 the West made up 60% of the foreign
investment in Myanmar. So it was not just Japan, Asia, etc. it will
take a long time before they are completely lifted. With the US its has
to be repelled by Congress. Its not easy to repeal a Congressional
Bill. The Executive Order by Obama is just piecemeal.
More when I was talking about the situation now begin worse than the
early 1960s, I am talking about with regard vis-a-vis the ethnic
minorities. The ethnic minorities have had autonomy for so long, the
goal post have move so far back, I don't think even even ASSK could do
much.
[563]http://www.himalmag.com/component/content/article/5077-lady-libert
y-and-...
[564]http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/LK05Ae02.html
I was in Indonesia during overthrow of Suharto, and Indonesia on nearly
all levels in 1998 had a much easier road in transitioning to democracy
than Myanmar. I think the biggest difference is Indonesia, during
Sukarno and Suharto, they actively worked to build a country to include
almost all religious and ethnic groups. The largest ethnic group, the
Javanese only make up 41%.
[565]http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_groups_in_Indonesia
In many ways the histories of Indonesian and Myanmar are similar,
Sukarno and Aung San both "collaborated" with the Japanese in order to
secure independence. The difference is Aung San's life was cut short,
while Sukarno spent the next 15 years screwing and give long rambling
speeches on a weekly basis, while doing some nation building on the
side.
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[570]moe aung [571]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 16th 2012 19:09 GMT
Even if Burma's military elite emulates their Indonesian counterparts
in securing their tenure of domination, Suharto was overthrown whereas
the military yoke still needs to be overthrown in Burma.
Burmese militarist chauvinists are tougher and more entrenched than
ever, today trying and beginning to acquire the mantle of
respectability and legitimacy colluded by Western Big Business
interests through their own politicians who in turn put pressure on
ASSK to change tack and collaborate with the generals' custom made
'democratisation process'. She had very little choice in the matter in
any case after two decades in limbo. Sanction busting in the meantime
through legal loopholes and third party countries as you know happened;
some of the big guys like Total and Chevron never left. Of course it
was never enough for the generals and not for altruistic reasons as you
said.
The Bamar constituting a two thirds majority of the population has
always been an advantage in favour of the ruling elite who have shown
very little interest so far in honouring Panglong or seeking a mutually
acceptable political solution with any of the indigenous minorities let
alone the Chittagonians quite beyond the pale. Instead they would
rather cut deals with the leadership of each group offering business
incentives (that's where the autonomy is, be it drug trafficking or
even gun-running) effectively buying 'peace' for the duration, but
never addressing the real issues of injustice and legitimate
grievances, let alone genuine self determination.
The point is Burma will never enjoy peace and progress, genuine
development and prosperity (not some paltry trickle-down for the people
while the ruling military-crony class gets exponentially richer than
ever, thanks to international capital all joining in a feeding frenzy)
until we have collectively thrown off the military yoke once and for
all.
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[576]Bismarck888 [577]in reply to moe aung Jul 19th 2012 5:40 GMT
Throughout SEA and China, there is always a ruling elite. Whether its
Indonesia, Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Burma, China. Suharto was
overthrow, but the elites remain. The current President of Indonesia is
a former general. Is not ASSK a part of the elite? The question is how
well the ruling elite governs, good government often comes before clean
government.
Secondly, Myanmar has to go alot further than Panglong if its to remain
one country. The Javanese in the 1920s were 48% of the population
(shrunk because of lower relative birth rates, when Malay was adopted
as Indonesia's national language by the revolutionaries. Malay is a
second language for most Indonesians. Its a neutral language with
little baggage.
The 1950, the Indonesians castrated the local elite, by abolishing the
use of titles. With one exception, all local sultans, royalty became
ordinary citizens. For much of the period between 1950-1998,
particularly during the Suharto period, most of the governors were
former military men (almost all Javanese). When local direct elections
were introduced about seven years ago, you start to see the emergence
of the local elites. But its possible for a relative "nobody" to become
mayor, like the current Mayor of Solo.
Just removing the Junta is not going to solve much, because the Junta
left the country divided and poor. In contrast, Indonesia's economic
problem were largely acute in 1998, but Suharto had turned a dirt poor
country into lower middle income country that was more or less united.
There are some things, in my opinion, that can't be blamed on the
Junta, like the ethnic minority problem. There were already bad blood
between Bamar prior to the Junta taking over in 1962. The Junta made
the situation worse, and unfortunately ASSK is not helping matters. NLD
is primarily a Bamar organization, the ethnic minorities have their own
block in Parliament. The worrying thing if there is full democracy, the
NLD will win a large majority of the seats, the only non-NLD seats
would be held by he minorities. What incentive does the NLD have for
building coalitions?
To be frank the most optimistic scenario is South Africa, ASSK wins the
election, and governs the country for 8-10 years like Mandela. But the
NLD is not ANC, they don't have as much contact with ethnic minorities
in Myanmar. ASSK has spent so much time at loggerheads with the
generals, and not building enough contacts with the minorities. Without
solving the ethnic minority problems, the economic in Myanmar will
never reach its full potential. Connecting a railway from Thailand to
India, China to India through will dramatically change the pattern of
trade / trade routes in Asia.
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[582]moe aung [583]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 19th 2012 8:08 GMT
Agreed. It takes two to tango but the lion's share of the blame has to
be laid squarely at the door of the military junta. Elites need to
consider the real national interest encompassing all groups, the
minorities as well as the majority, and not as usual identify it only
with their own class interest.
The generals are strong on nationalism but weak on true patriotism for
the greater good of the entire nation. Their patriotism stops with
their own families and their cronies. They must go.
The NLD is nothing like the ANC, not least in its total liberal dove
commitment to non-violence plus the lack of mass organisation into
taking effective mass action. Its problem will be the same as with the
[584]AFPFL in office albeit its genesis entirely different. The AFPFL
led by her father was more like the ANC and won us freedom from the
colonial yoke.
The question as you pointed out with Suharto's Indonesia is: is the
elite happy with no more than the lion's share of the nation's wealth?
This unfortunately for the country has not been the case with the
Burmese military.
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[589]Bismarck888 [590]in reply to moe aung Jul 20th 2012 3:31 GMT
The difference is Suharto did not start out as bad, he developed the
country, built roads, repaired irrigation system. Most of Indonesia's
modern infrastructure was built during the Suharto period, particularly
during the 1970-80s. Started in the mid 1980s he started to liberalize
the economy and promote foreign investment. In the early 1980s there
were already Western hotel chains, and soon followed by Western fast
food chains shortly after. Suharto was Mickey Mouse compared to the
Burmese Junta.
As for the elites. Unlike most countries in SEA, the political and
economic elites are divided along racial lines. The native control the
bureaucracy, the economy is largely in the hands of Chinese Indonesian.
Even after Suharto fell it has remained this way. There is a some good
in this, in that it reduces the concentration of power.
In terms of political and press freedom. Indonesia under Suharto is
much more free than Vietnam, China, Myanmar and even Singapore. They
had elections in which the ruling party won, but they least had
elections. Toward the last ten years of his rule, people could buy the
Economist, Times, Newsweek, WSJ in the big cities even with articles
critical of his family and himself.
That is why the comparisons to Indonesia in 1998 by Western journalist
is laughable. Economically, Myanmar is where Indonesia was in the late
1970s. In politics, its basically in the same situation Indonesia was
in the 1980s. Separatist movement was concentrated mainly in Aceh and
East Timor, even Papua at the time was relatively peaceful. Western
journalist had no problem travelling to Papia, unlike like now.
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[595]moe aung [596]in reply to Bismarck888 Jul 20th 2012 13:10 GMT
The difference is Suharto was America's baby to start with whereas the
Burmese army has fought the CIA-backed KMT Chinese armies in eastern
Burma as well as the Burmese communists. Burmese elites by and large
are intensely nationalistic, so no such thing as the [597]Berkeley Boys
in the army or the [598]Berkeley Mafia to advise economic policy.
Remember Burma was a founding member of the [599]Bandung Conference
Non-Aligned Movement. It shunned [600]SEATO and never joined the
British Commonwealth after independence.
So the similarity between the two countries stopped with the fall of
Sukarno and the military seizing power with one fundamental difference
in Indonesia namely a transition from the alleged Chinese sphere of
influence to the US one. In the grand scheme of [601]the US containing
communism in Asia with outstanding success in Indonesia without direct
intervention as in Vietnam, it had been very comfortable with the
wayward Burmese military elite since they were staunch anti-communists
and they still are. Hence the US could always do business with Burma
and would have done so had Ne Win not imposed enforced self isolation
on the country.
Ditching their bogus socialism after the 1988 Uprising and embracing
the open market economy and globalisation launched them on the first
steps of re-alignment with the West, but the pariah status they had
deservedly achieved for themselves especially with the rise of ASSK as
the democracy icon, and not least the collapse of the Communist Party
of Burma, made them untouchable for the US.
Now that the generals had changed tack and ASSK obliged to be coopted
and collaborate, the ‘democratisation process’ has gathered momentum
with Western capital poised to join in the feeding frenzy that has been
going on since the country ‘opened up’ from the SLORC era post 1988.
So you might say Burma has only just taken tentative steps in the
direction of Suharto’s Indonesia. Burmese nationalism is something you
have to witness to see how deeply visceral it is. This strong
undercurrent of nationalism stands out in the generals’ approach to
foreign investment compared with the Chinese one. The Burmese conundrum
is a more complex one with more compounding factors than Indonesia.
The $64,000 question is: are they going through a phase imperative to
their real agenda of touting for more and more business in order to
enrich themselves further and strengthen their grip on power, settling
for a de facto one party state and showcasing pluralism? Or will they
show their recidivist tendency once again whether in the face of
increasingly confident popular forces testing their disciplined
democracy or once they begin to lose their patience over the West
'dragging its feet'?
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[606]guest-isnoowi Jul 12th 2012 20:00 GMT
About South Asia, Southeast Asia, East Asia and Bamar terrorism:
For millennia, the ethnic Bamar Burmese have viewed the ethnic minority
in their country and the periphery as populated by barbarians and it is
a mark of Bamar history to “eliminate”, “eradicate” and/or “Bamarize”
them (bring them under Bamar cultural, economic and genetic control).
Karen, Kachin and Shan were independent kingdoms until “recently” by
historical standards. Of course, the Bamar are aware of ethnic
minorities, but they will just dress up these “quaint people” as
tourist attractions or simply just kill them (although Bamar leaders of
course, will always wear Western suits). Bamar society is convinced of
their cultural superiority (especially over those lazy backward
neighbouring ethnic minorities), they have long-term political goals of
Bamar ethnic dominance. The goal is to make the Burma Bamar only, and
eventually make Southeast Asia and later the whole world Bamar. They
might view the India and China as "worthy adversaries" that they have
to compete against but ethnic minorities and Thais are not even looked
upon by the Bamar as "equals". South China Sea, Indian Ocean and
Thailand are strategic goals for the Bamar, which is why they are
launching terrorist attacks to claim them. History ultimately is always
written by the “conquerors”, but since the Bamar plan will probably not
succeed, history is unlikely to be written by them.
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[611]tocharian [612]in reply to guest-isnoowi Jul 12th 2012 20:31 GMT
We report that the sinicisation of the periphery is proceeding at an
alarming pace. If necessary, our glorious PLA (with the help of our
proxy Wa army, the UWSA) is always ready to protect the dams, gas/oil
pipeline, the naval base and other vital structures of "core interest"
to the PRC in "Mianma".
History will indeed be written by the winners!
Long Live Chairman Mao!
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[617]moe aung [618]in reply to guest-isnoowi Jul 13th 2012 12:07 GMT
Too damned lazy even to recycle an argument properly, aren't we? Cut
and paste jobs all over the place. Borrrring...zzzzz...
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[623]happyfish18 [624]in reply to moe aung Jul 16th 2012 4:37 GMT
Whatever the ethnics do to defend their rights, the land belong to
their ancestors. If the MNCs are invited to exploit the land, they are
entitled to a share of the revenue. Ethnic and cultural genocides often
used as tool of the neo-Imperialists are conveniently ignored if the
MNCs can prospered by trampling their rights.
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[629]guest-isnoowi Jul 12th 2012 20:00 GMT
The ethnic minorities of Myanmar form a good chunk of Burma and they
could play a more important role, if the 50 minorities would put up a
united stand against Bamar "hegemonial ambitions" (racist genocidal
terrorism strategy). Most ethnic minority groups in Burma are
rightfully worried ("Angst" is the word here) about the Bamar's
bullying and threatening tactics to impose its will. The Bamars are
using the classic "divide and conquer" strategy (that's why it is
insisting on "bilateral talks" to push forward its preposterous
genocidal activities against the Rohinyas, Karens, and many other
ethnic groups). I think the Indian and Chinese roles might be more
about giving Burmese ethnic minorities strong moral and political
support and don't let the Bamars use the argument that Myanmar "belongs
to them" where they can do whatever they want.
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[634]tocharian [635]in reply to guest-isnoowi Jul 12th 2012 21:14 GMT
I agree, the Chinese strategy is to break up "Myanmar". A "String of
Pearls" in the Bay of Bengal is what China wants. They want to control
the Indian Ocean (for their new aircraft carrier?) Perhaps they want to
rename it South Tibetan Ocean! Arunachal Pradesh, Nepal, Bhutan and
Kachin State are "claimed" by China as part of a Chinese province to be
called "Nan Zhang". After the Paracel, Spratly and other islands in the
"South-China Seas" it's now Ceylon and Kyaukphru in the "South-Tibetan
Sea". I don't know what the Indians really think about it.
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[640]guest-isnonin [641]in reply to tocharian Jul 12th 2012 21:55 GMT
Actually the Chinese strategy is to partner with India, and all other
groups of dark skinned people whom the Burmese are discriminating
against, to form a "coalition of the willing" to liberate Myanmar and
to rid the country of terrorists. You see the Burmese hate dark skinned
people, and especially their dark skinned minorities, so it will be
very easy to sign up different countries and ethnic groups within Burma
for the cause. Free Myanmar from terrorist control!
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[646]moe aung [647]in reply to guest-isnonin Jul 13th 2012 12:10 GMT
You wish! Where have I heard this China-India partnership against the
Burmese? Oh, you. Fat chance.
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[652]guest-isnlooj Jul 12th 2012 19:56 GMT
So if the Burmese/Kachin refuse to recognize the Rohinyas as Burmese
citizens, even though the Rohinyas have been in Burma for many
generations, why should the Chinese recognize Kachins as Chinese
refugee/citizens?
What goes around comes around?
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[657]tocharian [658]in reply to guest-isnlooj Jul 12th 2012 20:06 GMT
Whereas,
Everyone in "Myanmar" welcomes their 2,000,000 strong Chinese cousins
(tayoke paukphaws) to do lucrative business and exploit natural
resources in Myanmar (or Mian-Dian)
now therefore,
Myanmarese (of the right ethnicity) demand that the UNHCR should take
care of the 700,000 Rohingyas and ship them to the US (why not China?)
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[663]guest-isnooow [664]in reply to tocharian Jul 12th 2012 20:33 GMT
Open arms? What open arms? All I read are Burmese xenophobic posts
toward the Rohinyas, Chinese and Karens all day on this website.
You want to ship all the Rohinyas off to the USA and Karens off to
Thailand? Why shouldn't China and the West (especially Canada!) ship
all you terrorists back to Burma?
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[669]moe aung [670]in reply to guest-isnlooj Jul 13th 2012 12:36 GMT
Bangladesh does not want their own Chittagonian Bengalis back either.
China has the [671]Jingpo as well as the [672]Dai and [673]Va (Wa)
indigenous on their side of the border, so it's up to her.
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[678]happyfish18 [679]in reply to moe aung Jul 16th 2012 4:27 GMT
Unlike the illegal Banglas, the land on both sides of the border
traditionally belong to the Wa, Why should the Wa be shipped out to
China? They may want to unite the land with their brethen if they are
oppressed further, It is best the Central government allow them to
retain some share of the revenues from explioting the riches.
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[684]moe aung [685]in reply to happyfish18 Jul 16th 2012 15:45 GMT
Autonomy does mean self determination in running their own domestic
affairs up to a point within the union. As for defense the Wa are
considering the prospects of transforming their own troops to [686]a
state-controlled militia.
China definitely has a say in this and presumably Chinese pressure has
led to the current scenario. An independent unified Wa state however
seems unlikely.
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[691]tocharian Jul 12th 2012 19:48 GMT
Crouching Kachin, Hidden Chinese.
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[696]happyfish18 Jul 12th 2012 15:56 GMT
Unless the Kachins Independence army get a share of the electricity
sale, it is unlikely that they would allow the proposed dam to flood
their poppy fields which produce their only cash crop. Otherwise the
people will continue the to move across the border into China to escape
the Myanmarese offensive to clear the land.
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[701]tocharian [702]in reply to happyfish18 Jul 12th 2012 20:18 GMT
The Human Rights nonsense is just a red herring (only good for getting
political asylum in the West)
It seems like a lot of "Mianmese" (of course of the right ethnicity)
are very willing to work as "Untermenschen" for the benefit of the
Great Chinese Economic Leapfrog Forward.
Who cares about the Irrawaddy Dolphins?
Dam all the rivers in Mian-Dian to flood all those damn poppy fields
(but not the gas/oil pipeline and the jade mines please)
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[707]guest-isnnmaj [708]in reply to tocharian Jul 13th 2012 3:10 GMT
Well the Kachins are trading opium for a more globally acceptable form
of income. Why blame them for that?
I guess the Bamars such as yourself can still supply the world with
opium even after they stop...
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[713]happyfish18 [714]in reply to guest-isnnmaj Jul 16th 2012 4:34 GMT
All the ethnics want is a share of the revenue from their riches. It is
best the government recognise that and not just to share between
themselves and the incoming MNCs alone after freeing of sanction by the
neo-Imperialists. Otherwise ethnic war is inevitable.
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[719]Hektor Konomi Jul 12th 2012 14:14 GMT
China won't let Myanmar easily out of its sphere of influence.
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[724]moe aung Jul 12th 2012 9:01 GMT
The Kachin community leader voiced a popular Burmese opinion over this
whole elaborate show orchestrated by the military elite.
“Even if [Mr Thein] Sein is serious about reforming this country, his
power is limited; he can be removed at any time,” says a Kachin
community leader in the northern city of Myitkyina, who refused to be
identified. “How do we really know he’s not just being used by the
military leaders to extract more money and prestige from the West?”
When the West can hardly wait to join in the feeding frenzy making very
approving noises over the 'reforms', why would China let up and back
off what they already have ahead of the game? China nonetheless had
better realise what is in its long term interests instead of taking a
greedy hence necessarily myopic stance over its neighbour. It has so
far been investing in a lasting animosity on the part of the entire
Burmese nation. Upper Burma is simmering with resentment against the
laobans - immigrant Chinese who have bought their way in - the
slightest spark can trigger a repeat of the 1967 riots that could dwarf
the sectarian violence in western Burma.
Having said that the Burmese ruling elites of whatever political colour
or composition are likely to maintain [725]good relations with their
biggest and most important neighbour to the east.
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[730]Devils Advocate_1 [731]in reply to moe aung Jul 13th 2012 5:59 GMT
[Having said that the Burmese ruling elites of whatever political
colour or composition are likely to maintain good relations with their
biggest and most important neighbour to the east.]
Guess you are not referring to China which is to Myanmar's north
.
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[736]moe aung [737]in reply to Devils Advocate_1 Jul 13th 2012 11:45
GMT
Geography not your strong point then. It's always been known as our
eastern neighbour (the sun rises from out of the Shan Plateau) though
strictly speaking China is northeast and us southwest to it.
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357. http://www.arabnews.com/saudi-arabia/myanmar-muslims-call-un-intervention-rakhine-state
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463. http://www.wontharnu.com/index.php/article/155-the-development-of-a-muslim-enclave-in-arakan
464. http://hlaoo1980.blogspot.co.uk/2011/11/begali-maungdaw-genocide-of-native.html
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471. http://www.soas.ac.uk/sbbr/editions/file64388.pdf
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487. file://localhost/comment/reply/21558490/1523753
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490. http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/civilization-the-west-and-the-rest-by-niall-ferguson-2238079.html
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503. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dolores_Ib%C3%A1rruri#In_her_own_words_.28Quotations.29
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513. file://localhost/comment/reply/21558490/1524470
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516. http://www.theweek.co.uk/asia-pacific/burma/47364/burma-regime-inciting-rakhine-conflict-discredit-aung-san-suu-kyi
517. http://www.massviolence.org/Burma-Myanmar-1930-2007?cs=print
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535. file://localhost/comment/1524548#comment-1524548
536. http://www.scribd.com/doc/19967984/On-the-Evoulution-of-Rohingya-Problem
537. http://www.bnionline.net/feature/kaladan/9710-rohingyas-and-the-forthcoming-election-.html
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Change in Myanmar
Follow my lead
The government moves, and gets its rewards
Jan 21st 2012 | SINGAPORE |[99]From the print edition
*
* [100]Tweet
What a difference a year makes
A LULL in Myanmar followed the excitement of secretary of state Hillary
Clinton's historic visit to the country in early December, the first by
a senior American official in half a century. Perhaps, some even
wondered, this was the point at which the reform process initiated by
Myanmar's president, Thein Sein, might come unstuck. Yet from the
evidence of the past week, things are on track.
On January 13th the government undertook the biggest yet in a series of
releases of political prisoners: 302 according to the authorities, 287
according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
(Burma), a monitoring group in Thailand. Either way, it was a sizeable
number and included many of the democratic opposition's most prominent
figures. Some had spent two decades in jail for their part in the first
student uprisings against the military government in 1988. Several,
including Nilar Thein, Min Ko Naing and Htay Kywe, were leaders of the
“88 Generation movement”. But student revolutionaries were not the only
people set free. One surprise was the release from house arrest of Khin
Nyunt, the former military junta's intelligence chief, and prime
minister until he was ousted in 2004. All in all, the government's
intentions to move from a military dictatorship to greater pluralism
appear sincere.
In this section
* [101]It’s all right, Ma
* [102]Lampooning the pols
* [103]A nation of city slickers
* [104]Child-snatchers
* Follow my lead
* [105]A game of chicken
* [106]Award: James Astill
[107]Reprints
Related topics
* [108]United States
* [109]Thein Sein
* [110]Alain Juppe
* [111]Diplomacy
* [112]Political policy
The release of political prisoners has always been a foremost condition
set by the United States before considering restoring full diplomatic
relations. These were downgraded in 1988 and then all but broken off in
the early 1990s as punishment for the government's brutal crackdowns on
the democratic opposition. America has for some months pledged that
releases of political prisoners will be rewarded by carefully
calibrated measures to end Myanmar's isolation, something the
government appears to crave. Sure enough, right after the prisoner
release, America duly announced it had restored full diplomatic ties.
It was, a senior American diplomat says, “a concrete response to a
concrete sign of reform on the Burmese side.”
Other countries have been moving too. On January 14th Norway announced
that it would end its policy of discouraging investment in Myanmar.
Australia is lifting financial and travel restrictions on certain
Burmese citizens. More significantly still, France's foreign minister,
Alain Juppé, said that the European Union will respond “positively” to
the latest developments. The EU is currently reviewing its sanctions
against Myanmar and seems likely to relax them over the next few
months.
Mr Juppé is the latest in a string of foreign dignitaries to visit
Myanmar in the past few months, another sign of the diplomatic thaw.
William Hague, Britain's foreign secretary, preceded Mr Juppé by only a
few days. These visitors are now given interviews with Mr Thein Sein,
and all come away impressed by the seriousness of the government's
attempts to change the country, even if there is still a long way to
go. Even one of the regime's fiercest critics, Mitch McConnell, the
Republican leader in the United States Senate, praised Mr Thein Sein as
a “genuine reformer” after his own visit to the country this week.
All these worthies meet the de facto leader of the opposition too, Aung
San Suu Kyi. That boosts the domestic standing of an already wildly
popular figure, key to the country's political development. Only a year
ago Miss Suu Kyi, who has spent most of the past two decades under
house arrest, was not even allowed to be mentioned in the
government-controlled media. Today, her face smiles on magazine covers
sold in the streets of the capital, Yangon. The president knows that
the Western investment and recognition that he badly wants hang almost
entirely on her say-so. Indeed, the next big test of the regime's will
for reform comes with by-elections for parliament in early April. Miss
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, hitherto banned, has been
legalised and will contest 40-odd seats. Ms Suu Kyi herself has just
declared her candidacy for a seat on the edge of Yangon. Should these
elections be deemed credible, and Miss Suu Kyi take up her seat in
parliament, more international rewards for the regime will certainly
follow.
Yet there is much, much more goodwill that the government needs to
show, including over political prisoners. Their remaining numbers,
despite the latest release, are no lower than before the “Saffron
revolution” and subsequent crackdown in 2007-08. Meanwhile, the army,
which ran Burma from 1962 till last year, remains a force largely unto
itself, as a look at Myanmar's tangled ethnic conflicts around the
peripheries of the country suggests. These struggles have been a hugely
destabilising factor in the country's history. Here, too, is cause for
some optimism. On January 13th the government signed a ceasefire
agreement with the Karen National Union. The Karen have been fighting
the government ever since the country won independence from the British
in 1948, making the conflict the world's longest-running civil war. It
would thus be real progress if the Karen ceasefire led to a durable
peace. Everyone acknowledges that if Myanmar really is to recover and
prosper again, then these little wars will have to be brought to an
end.
Yet, as if to illustrate just how hard this will be, fighting has
worsened in Kachin state in the north, a result of an army offensive
against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) which has displaced 50,000
people, some fleeing into China. Talks are apparently taking place in
China between the KIA and the Burmese government. Even when there are
hopeful signs springing up everywhere, a peaceful Myanmar can never be
taken for granted.
[113]From the print edition: Asia
* [114]Recommend
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Myanmar’s future in Asia
Brave new world
A reformed Myanmar could have a big effect on its neighbours
Jun 2nd 2012 | BANGKOK AND YANGON |[99]From the print edition
*
* [100]Tweet
* Aung San Suu Kyi greets migrant workers from Myanmar who live in
Thailand's Samut Sakhon province
Source: REUTERS
* Before travelling to Thailand Ms Suu Kyi held talks with India's
prime minister, Manmohan Singh, in Yangon
Source: EPA
* Miss Suu Kyi waits for the plane after passing through immigration
control at Yangon's airport. This is the first time in more than
two decades that she has left Myanmar
Source: REUTERS
* Supporters of Miss Suu Kyi cheer upon her arrival at Bangkok's
Suvarnabhumi airport
Source: AFP
* Workers from Myanmar show portraits of Miss Suu Kyi and her father,
the independence hero General Aung San, while waving the national
flags of Thailand and Myanmar
Source: AFP
* Miss Suu Kyi is greeted by hundreds of her countrymen, most of them
migrant workers
Source: EPA
* Miss Suu Kyi pledges to improve the rights of Myanmar's nationals
living in Thailand
Source: AFP
* Cheering crowds listen to Miss Suu Kyi speak
Source: AP
* Miss Suu Kyi offered encouragement to impoverished migrants who
have fled Myanmar
Source: Getty Images
* Children clap as Miss Suu Kyi arrives at a local shrimp market in
Samut Sakhon province
Source: AP
* A migrant worker from Myanmar ties on a headband showing his
national flag
Source: Getty Images
* Miss Suu Kyi talks with other delegates at the 21st World Economic
Forum on East Asia
Source: AFP
* Thailand's deputy prime minister, Chalerm Yubamrung, shakes hands
with Miss Suu Kyi at Government House in Bangkok
Source: REUTERS
* Miss Suu Kyi has received a rapturous welcome in Thailand
Source: REUTERS
THE visit of Aung San Suu Kyi to Thailand this week marked another
extraordinary milestone in Myanmar's (so far) peaceful revolution. For
the first time since 1988, when the opposition leader returned to her
homeland from Britain to nurse her dying mother, she has felt confident
enough to leave the country—in the expectation that she will be allowed
back. Miss Suu Kyi met low-paid Burmese workers and refugees in the
Thai provinces (see picture above) and was due to attend a World
Economic Forum summit in the Thai capital, Bangkok; just the sort of
stuff that any freshly minted MP might undertake.
On the morning of May 29th, just before heading off to Thailand, she
had met the Indian prime minister, Manmohan Singh, who was on an
official three-day visit to Myanmar. This was another momentous
occasion. Mr Singh may have been late out of the blocks, trailing
behind other leaders from Europe, America and Asia who came to Myanmar
a while ago, but his visit was more significant than most. India is
intimately bound up with Myanmar; the two countries share a 1,600-km
(1,000-mile) border. Yet this was the first time for 25 years that an
Indian prime minister had visited the country. It was another sign of
how swiftly Myanmar's diplomatic and economic isolation is coming to an
end.
In this section
* Brave new world
* [101]The music stops
* [102]Hard graft
* [103]Gas goes boom
* [104]Great Barrier Grief
* [105]Smoke without fire?
[106]Reprints
Related topics
* [107]South-East Asia
* [108]Thailand
* [109]Manmohan Singh
* [110]Asia
* [111]India
All this, together with further internal economic reforms, is
encouraging people to contemplate what a fully functioning Myanmar
might one day look like—and how such a country might fit into a world
that it turned its back on 50 years ago. Given its size and economic
history, a revitalised Myanmar could make itself felt in the region.
With 55m people, it is the fifth-most-populous member of the ten-strong
Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Myanmar may be
impoverished now, but in the 1930s it was the world's biggest exporter
of rice.
Cheap and increasingly cheerful
In the 2010s and 2020s Myanmar could become an obvious destination for
low-cost manufacturing, particularly of textiles. The country used to
be an important hub for the garment industry, but as most of its
exports went to America and Europe, sanctions choked off the trade.
Some exporters have found new markets in Asia, but by one estimate the
industry shed 80,000 jobs over the past decade. Now, relatively low
wages and other costs might lure investors back—as might Myanmar's
location. Government officials make much of how the country is an ideal
place from which to sell into both China and India.
If those jobs do return, then countries like Cambodia, which has carved
out a niche for itself in the low-cost textile business, could suffer,
as could Vietnam. But no country will have to adjust to the new reality
more than Myanmar's immediate neighbour, Thailand. There is much
speculation about how many of the 2m Burmese immigrants who work in
low-wage jobs underpinning the Thai economy will return home. They may
be unskilled by the standards of a sophisticated economy like
Thailand's, but what they have learned overseas could make them
invaluable to a revival of Myanmar's economy.
Some predict trouble for Thailand if many Burmese return to Myanmar.
However, Ammar Siamwalla, a respected Thai economist, argues that such
an eventuality could spur Thai businesses, because they would have to
improve productivity to compensate for the loss of unskilled labour.
“Our employers have had it too easy with cheap labour,” he says.
China is the country that has gained most from the Western absence from
Myanmar in the past 15 years. The Chinese have poured about $27 billion
into the country, much more than any other investor. They now dominate
the oil, gas and minerals industries; indeed, many believe one of the
reasons for Myanmar's government to change tack so dramatically was to
end its over-dependence on China. But despite the new competition for
Myanmar's favours, the Chinese surely remain quietly confident of their
future there. China is so far ahead that it will take a long time for
anyone else to catch up. Besides, the Chinese have not shown much
interest in the sectors, including banking, education, tourism and
food-processing, that attract Indian and Western businessmen.
India, by contrast, has the most ground to make up, having neglected
its eastern neighbour for years. And it could yet prove to be the
country most affected by Myanmar's opening. Certainly, India can draw
on the ties of history. Millions of Indians settled and prospered in
what was then called Burma when it was part of Britain's vast Indian
empire. Even after mass expulsions of Indians by Myanmar's new military
governments in the 1960s, there are still thought to be up to 3m people
of Indian descent in Myanmar. This is the sort of diaspora that India's
government likes to tap for commercial opportunities elsewhere in
South-East Asia. During his visit, Mr Singh encouraged them to “keep a
place for India in their hearts”.
Singh along
The Indian prime minister was accompanied this week by an entourage of
businessmen looking to sign deals in industries such as banking, oil,
gas, paper and telecoms. Mr Singh and Myanmar's president, Thein Sein,
signed 12 agreements to strengthen trade and diplomatic ties; Mr Singh
wants bilateral trade to reach $5 billion by 2015. Optimists are hoping
for a flourishing cross-border trade that might help to develop the
whole of India's restless and impoverished north-east, cut off as it is
from the rest of the country by India's partition in 1947. Mr Singh
spoke this week of Myanmar becoming an “economic bridge” between South
and South-East Asia.
Bangladesh's 170m people should benefit as well. The country also
shares a border with Myanmar and has enjoyed good relations with the
military regime. A former Bangladeshi foreign minister, Iftekhar
Chowdhury, argues that his country could help ease Myanmar back into
the international arena through their shared membership of an obscure
regional body, the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral
Technical and Economic Co-operation. Mr Chowdhury points out that this
cumbersomely named grouping is the only one in the region that includes
countries to both the west (Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri
Lanka) and east (Thailand) of Myanmar. And through Myanmar, he argues,
“Bangladesh can link itself to China and South-East Asia.”
That may or may not happen. But for the time being, at least, everyone
sees the possibilities that could come from one of the greatest recent
political transformations in South-East Asia.
[112]From the print edition: Asia
* [113]Recommend
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Related items
TOPIC: [117]South-East Asia »
* [118]America in Asia: On the rocks, again
* [119]Renavigating South-East Asia: Breaking the "Devil's neck"
* [120]Asia: Connect more than the dots
TOPIC: [121]Thailand »
* [122]Thailand’s politics: Whatever happened to Thaksin?
* [123]The Economist: Digital highlights, November 17th 2012
* [124]The world in figures: Countries: Thailand
TOPIC: [125]Manmohan Singh »
* [126]Banyan: On the prowl
* [127]The world in figures: Countries: India
* [128]Reforming welfare in India: Cash, with strings
TOPIC: [129]Asia »
* [130]Daily chart: Ill-informed
* [131]Japan goes to the polls: The voters hold their noses...
* [132]Banyan: The rocky road to revival
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Myanmar
A dangerous backdrop
Aung San Suu Kyi travels to Europe as violence sours optimism at home
Jun 16th 2012 | SINGAPORE |[99]From the print edition
*
* [100]Tweet
* A Buddhist monk stands amid the debris of burned houses in Sittwe,
the capital of Myanmar's western state of Rakhine
Source: AP
* An ethnic Rakhine man carries homemade weapons. Fighting between
Buddhist Rakhines and Muslim Rohingyas has displaced members of
both communities
Source: REUTERS
* Ethnic Rakhines draw water from a fire-truck to extinguish blazes
set during the clashes
Source: REUTERS
* A soldier watches Muslims walk past burning houses as they look for
shelter in Sittwe
Source: AFP
* Police stand guard over Muslims who have already fled their homes
Source: AFP
* Military personnel struggle to contain violence that has killed
dozens of people and forced thousands to flee
Source: AP
* Locals take refuge in a monastery compound in Sittwe. Many said
they were too afraid to sleep at night
Source: AP
* Police patrol the streets. The sectarian violence poses a major
test for the government that took power last year
Source: AFP
* A Bangladeshi border guard keeps watch from a jetty on the Naf
river. Bangladesh has been turning back boats filled with refugees
from Myanmar
Source: AFP
* A Rohingya man who brought his family from Myanmar to Bangladesh
pleads with local authorities. Human-rights groups have urged
Bangladesh to keep the border open
Source: AP
ON MAY 28th a Buddhist woman in Myanmar's western state of Rakhine was
raped and killed by three young Muslims as she returned home. Six days
later, in apparent retaliation, a bus carrying Muslim pilgrims was
stopped in the town of Taungkok by a mob of 300 Buddhist vigilantes.
The passengers were herded off the vehicle and ten of them were clubbed
to death.
The tit-for-tat violence has since led to ethnic violence throughout
Rakhine state. The killing, looting and house-burning have even
engulfed the state capital of Sittwe. At least 21 people have been
killed, many more injured and thousands of homes destroyed.
In this section
* [101]Less than allies, more than friends
* A dangerous backdrop
* [102]Let them eat tablets
* [103]The unlikely Mr Noda
* [104]Come clean
* [105]Into the void
[106]Reprints
Related topics
* [107]Europe
* [108]Thein Sein
* [109]Aung San Suu Kyi
* [110]Politics
* [111]Myanmar
The frenzied attacks by both Buddhists and Muslims show just how
combustible Myanmar's regions remain, even after the great strides made
in the country's reform programme led by the president, Thein Sein. The
violence also forms a dispiriting backdrop to the much-heralded visit
to Europe by the opposition leader and freshly elected MP, Aung San Suu
Kyi, who left Myanmar for Geneva on June 13th.
Relations between the majority Buddhist population in Rakhine state and
the minority Muslims (known as Rohingyas) have been on edge for
decades. The Rohingyas originally came from Bengal to what was then
Burma when both were parts of Britain's vast Indian empire. Even then
they were hardly made to feel welcome, and discrimination against them
continues to this day. Myanmar denies them citizenship, classifying
them as illegal immigrants. Hundreds of thousands of Rohingyas have
crossed into Bangladesh, fleeing racial and religious persecution not
just at the hands of the Burmese authorities but by their supposed
Burmese countrymen as well. Indeed, these latest killings did not so
much prompt soulsearching among Burmans as a tirade of bigotry against
the country's Rohingya minority.
There were also fears that the violence could spill over into other
areas, and even that it might retard progress on reform in the rest of
the country. Mr Thein Sein declared a state of emergency in Rakhine
state on June 10th, thus putting the army back in control there. The
transfer of power in 2010 from the army to civilian authorities has
been one of the main advances of Myanmar's political transition, so any
step back, even if only in a distant corner, has worried reformers.
Military hardliners, many of whom oppose Mr Thein Sein's reforms, argue
that the army must continue to have a paramount role, as it is the only
institution capable of holding Myanmar's shaky ethnic patchwork
together. A state of emergency in Rakhine helps their cause. Even the
reforming president warned that such ethnic and communal violence could
damage democratisation and development in the whole country.
Such concerns will also make Miss Suu Kyi's visit to Europe more
difficult. Her trip to Thailand at the start of June marked the first
time since 1988 that she had left Myanmar. She had worried before that,
once abroad, she would not be allowed back in. The visit went well
enough, but it was a low-key affair compared with the razzmatazz lined
up for her in Europe.
Miss Suu Kyi will travel to Norway to accept the Nobel Peace Prize that
she was awarded in 1991. She will then address the combined Houses of
Parliament in Britain before attending a concert in Ireland hosted by
Bono, a rock star.
She will be feted wherever she goes, and that alone is likely to stir
jealousy and tension within Mr Thein Sein's government in Naypyidaw.
But there is a more profound problem: the message that she is conveying
to foreign audiences is fundamentally different from that of Myanmar's
government. In Thailand she warned against “reckless optimism” about
the changes in Myanmar, and advised investors to maintain a “healthy
scepticism”.
Those are wise words perhaps, but at odds with the message of many in
the government. They are frantically trying to attract as many foreign
investors to the country as quickly as possible, to compensate
sceptical (and perhaps troublesome) hardliners with quick riches in
exchange for a loss of political power. Ethnic violence in western
Myanmar and the shadow of more to come will only make those tensions
worse.
[112]From the print edition: Asia
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[dept_arrow.gif] [97]THINK AGAIN [98]PRINT | TEXT SIZE
[text_down.gif] [text_up.gif] | EMAIL | [99]SINGLE PAGE
[100]Think Again: Burma’s Economy
Burma is open for business, and foreign investors are champing at the bit.
Time for a reality check.
BY JARED BISSINGER | SEPTEMBER 18, 2012
[burma_timber_edited.jpg]
"Burma is the next Asian Tiger."
Don't bet on it. The economies of the [101]Asian Tigers don't look
anything like Burma's, which is driven by primary industries such as
natural gas, agriculture, timber, jade, and minerals. Together these
industries made up over 80 percent of exports last year. They also
dominate foreign investment: oil, gas and mining alone comprised
almost[102] 90 percent of FDI over the last half decade. Burma's
rapprochement with the West has brought even more interest in these
sectors. The new government signed [103]deals for 10 oil and gas blocks
earlier this year and is [104]offering 23 more. They're also awarding
mining concessions and land for plantations. While there's also some
interest in telecoms and banking, it's the extractive industries that
are Burma's main draw for potential investors.
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The Asian Tigers, by contrast, were mostly resource-poor and relied on
export-oriented manufacturing to develop. Their foreign direct
investment (FDI) was mostly in manufacturing, not resources. They also
developed in a much different international environment, one with far
fewer competitive exporting countries. They sold their wares mostly to
the high-consuming countries of the West, the same countries that are
now grappling with the lingering effects of the global financial
crisis.
Unfortunately for Burma, countries that have relied on primary product
exports tend to grow more slowly than countries like the Asian tigers
due to unequal investment in other parts of the economy, a concept
known as [106]Dutch Disease. Burma already suffers from this illness,
and it will continue to hamper the country's development in the years
ahead. The export of natural resources helped drive up the value of the
country's currency, the kyat, from over 1400 to the U.S. dollar in 2007
to less than 700 in 2011 - a major obstacle for any reform effort. The
continued overvaluation of the kyat -- along with high transaction
costs, poor infrastructure, and a competitive international environment
-- will all make it difficult for Burma to develop the manufacturing
sector it needs to emulate the Tigers.
"Burma needs foreign investment and it needs it now."
It's complicated. The foreign investment that Burma will receive most
of is the kind it needs the least: resource investment. This type of
investment tends to create little direct employment. Its major benefit
is the income it generates for the government. But the government of
Burma, like so many others, isn't good at turning resource revenues
into productive investments.
Despite this, the prevailing attitude in the capital seems to be that
"foreign investment equals development." That's [107]just not true.
Different types of foreign investment have drastically different
effects on the economy. Investment that transfers technology and brings
know-how can be beneficial, but resource investment can be dangerous
because it creates revenue by selling non-renewable assets. Why sell
these assets so quickly if the government does not yet have the
capacity to invest all the proceeds in productive ways? Burma's recent
steps toward acceptance of the [108]Extractive Industries Transparency
Initiative (EITI), which would help [109]fight corruption by providing
for open public accounting of resource revenues, could help but
transparency and sovereign wealth funds are no substitute for a
balanced economy. Burma would actually be better off without a massive
rush of primary sector investment.
"Burma's problem is that it lacks capital."
Yes, but... the fundamental problem isn't a lack of capital, but an
economy that is inefficient at putting it to productive uses. The
massive boom in property prices in Yangon and Mandalay over the past
few years shows that Burma's elites have significant financial
resources. An acre of land in either downtown easily goes for over $1
million, even higher than in Bangkok. While other factors have
contributed to the rise, one of the major culprits is the lack of
alternative investments. Banks aren't trusted and moving money overseas
is difficult. So people store their wealth in fixed assets like
property, gold, and gems.
At the same time, there is a dire lack of credit in the countryside.
Those who don't have collateral must rely on informal loans with
interest of 10 percent per month. The state agricultural bank lends
farmers barely a third of what they need to cultivate their land.
Private banks are prohibited from lending to farmers at all -- one of
many needless restrictions inherited from socialist days past. The
result is a system in which capital can't get to the rural sector, and
more money will not fix this core problem.
"Sanctions were the cause of Burma's economic problems."
Not if you look closely. Sanctions did affect Burma's economy, but they
were not the biggest problem faced by the private sector. Talk to
businesspeople in Yangon and Mandalay and they'll tell you that the
biggest challenges they've dealt with over the years were electricity
supply, political instability, and corruption, all factors well within
the government's control. Sanctions were the next biggest obstacle
because of the additional costs imposed by the U.S. [110]financial
services ban and the loss of the large American export market. Many
other factors, including poor infrastructure, arbitrary
decision-making, and the lack of an impartial judiciary also made
business in Burma costly. For most companies, sanctions were a modest
part of the challenges of doing business.
Sanctions were originally conceived as a response to human rights
problems in Burma, but now they've outlived their usefulness. The
biggest and best-connected companies, which sanctions are supposed to
target, have the financial resources and international connections to
circumvent them. Those without these resources -- the small and medium
enterprises (SMEs) that are so vital for Burma's development -- bear
the brunt of sanctions. Sanctions weren't the major cause of Burma's
economic problems, but keeping them will not help address human rights
concerns and will hinder reforms and development.
"Old ways of doing business are quickly changing."
Unfortunately, no. While Burma's political structure has changed, the
politics of the economy remains much the same. The International Crisis
Group (ICG) argued in a July [111]report that "the system of monopolies
and access to licenses, permits and contracts is being dismantled," but
the evidence suggests more nuanced changes. Though ministries are
professionalizing and opening to outsiders, navigating bureaucracy and
accessing decision makers still depends intensely on personal
connections. For example, foreigners investing in mining must now
partner with one of 38 companies on a government approved list. The
same applies for oil and gas, though the list is reportedly around 60.
While some listed companies have expertise, others are simply
beneficiaries of a needless intrusion into the decisions of private
companies. Getting on those lists, and doing successful business in
general, is still very much about who you know.
Recently privatized state-owned enterprises are mostly falling into the
hands of the urban elite in Yangon, Mandalay, and Naypyidaw, people who
have the connections and capital. Since the country lacks a strong
taxation regime, Burma's people won't even enjoy much additional tax
revenue from the newly privatized companies. Contrary to the stated
goal of promoting the country's development, many of the reforms are in
fact enabling the "oligarch-ization" of Burma. The old ways of doing
business will influence Burma's economic trajectory for decades, much
as they have elsewhere in Asia.
"Dramatic reforms are happening, and more are inevitable."
Not as much as you might think.Naypyidaw has taken some important steps
to liberalize the economy, such as [112]exchange rate reforms and
loosening import regulations. But on the whole, it's the political
reforms that have been more dramatic. New legislation on the economy
has left much to be desired.
The battle over the economy is not between "hardliners" and
"reformers." Very few people in Burma, even those that benefited from
the previous system, look back on the past with nostalgia. Instead, the
conflict is over the shape of the new economic order. On one side are
businesses that would benefit from opening up to international markets,
and consumers who have long been limited to overpriced and substandard
goods. On the other are those who built their businesses under the
previous economic order, and who could lose them if the country opens
up too much or too quickly. The battle isn't over whether to reform but
how to do it and who will benefit.
The debate over a new foreign investment law, which was passed earlier
this month by parliament but appears [113]unlikely to be approved by
President Thein Sein, shows the contending forces at work. As part of
the government's bid to attract foreign investment quickly and in large
amounts, preliminary drafts of the law contained numerous concessions.
As debate progressed, local businesses pushed back. They demanded
numerous restrictions, including a $5 million minimum for investors,
restrictions on "low technology industries," and a limit of 49 percent
ownership for many foreign partners in joint ventures. The final
version of the law represented a hard-fought compromise that met with
little approval from foreign investors.
Missing from the agenda are some of the most urgently needed economic
reforms, especially in agriculture, where 70 percent of Burma's people
work. Two of the most prominent agricultural reforms, both relating to
land, have been [114]widely criticized for facilitating corporate land
grabs and creating politicized land management committees. This
legislation has done to little help Burma's average farmers.
"Reforms will help reduce poverty and bring broad-based economic
development."
Wrong. That the current economic reform program will bring broad-based
development is the greatest myth of them all. The reforms to date are a
mixed bag, with positive ones such as currency liberalization mixed
with poorly designed moves like the new land laws. Reforms of limited
benefit for broad-based development, such as the new laws on foreign
direct investment or Special Economic Zones (SEZ), are crowding out
debate on more important issues.
Burma's leaders have yet to adequately address the most pressing
concern for the countryside, which is that most farmers, in this
overwhelmingly rural country, [115]can't make money farming. The cost
of inputs has risen with inflation while prices have dropped due to an
appreciating exchange rate. The result is widespread indebtedness. The
public goods needed to improve productivity and [116]farm gate prices,
such as good roads, ports, irrigation, and communication, are lacking.
Instead of fixing the core problems, the government is allowing elites
to set the agenda. Contract farming is on the rise, which allows
companies with privileged access to lend credit and inputs to farmers,
who have no recourse to any alternatives. The fact that some
agricultural businesses reap big profits while farmer's lose money
vividly illustrates the distortions that affect Burma's economy.
Fixing the problems of the rural economy requires a [117]long-term
strategy to increase worker productivity, build a viable manufacturing
sector, and direct resource revenues into productive investments
(especially infrastructure). This should not entail offering foreign
investors myriad tax breaks, which will only starve the government of
revenue. Broad-based development will come only by understanding and
addressing the problems that affect Burma's masses. There's still a
very long way to go.
[118]Save big when you subscribe to FP.
Photo by China Photos/Stringer/Getty Images
[arr-indent.gif] SUBJECTS: [119]DEVELOPMENT, [120]ECONOMICS,
[121]DEMOCRACY LAB, [122]SOUTHEAST ASIA
Jared Bissinger is a Ph.D. candidate at [123]Macquarie University in
Sydney and a former fellow at the [124]National Bureau of Asian
Research.
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Burma: first steps for investment of western capital
For the social impacts of international investment in Burma to be
positive, companies need to align their interventions with
international norms
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* [87]John Morrison
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+ [88]John Morrison
+ [89]Guardian Professional, Tuesday 31 July 2012 15.47 BST
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Myanmar's Fishing Industry
Burmese women take a break while working at the fish Annawa fish market
and seaport. Photograph: Paula Bronstein/Getty Images
Burma represents a test of much of what has been written about the
[91]social impact of business, and piloted elsewhere. Given the history
of sanctions which until recently kept western capital out of the
country, the social impact of this capital in Burma will be tangible.
There will be no place in Burma for self-promoting corporate social
responsibility (CSR) or cultural relativism. Instead companies will
need to align their social interventions to international norms. Burma
is also a country where the human rights case for any business should
be self-evident. If early conclusions about whether the social impacts
of international investment are to be positive, then the work of
business, civil society, governments and trade unions needs to start
now.
Burma's president Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
have both called for investment into Burma. They recognise that
business needs to be sustainable in both social and environmental
terms. These are encouraging commitments. Now they need to be
translated into tangible actions. For this investment to be
responsible, it must deliver value both for investors and the people of
Burma, operate with respect for the rule of law and be accountable for
its actions and impacts.
A key measure of social sustainability in Burma will be the alignment
of investment with international standards, such as those of the United
Nations, International Labour Organisation as well as multi-stakeholder
approaches such as the [92]Extractive Industries Transparency
Initiative (EITI). The [93]United Nations Guiding Principles on
Business and Human Rights, endorsed unanimously by the UN Human Rights
Council in June 2011, are crucial to getting investment in Burma right.
Both the [94]European Union and the [95]United States have made direct
reference to the Guiding Principles when announcing their respective
easing of sanctions. The US government has included the Guiding
Principles as part of its new reporting requirements for US businesses
investing in Burma. Moreover, the UN framework is a key part of the
updated [96]OECD Guidelines on Multinational Enterprises and other
initiatives such as the [97]ISO 26,000 social responsibility standard
adopted last year.
For the UN Guiding Principles to help in making responsible business a
reality, they must be applied in the day-to-day life of business
activity. This means companies should undertake ongoing human rights
due diligence processes â to know the risks and to take all actions
possible to minimise any negative impacts of business activity.
Critical questions still requiring stronger consensus in order to move
in this direction include how much knowledge a company can be expected
to have, both in terms of impacts of its actions, and the environment
in which it operates. Another important question concerns levels of
transparency â how much disclosure and reporting of social impacts is
necessary when operating in countries experiencing the challenges
currently faced by Burma?
For many international companies considering investments in Burma, a
huge challenge is how they will select their local business partners.
Getting this right is critical to avoiding relationships with local
businesses accused of having benefited from cronyism, that has resulted
in Burma being rated poorly by leading corruption indices. During the
time when EU and the US sanctions were in force, lists were compiled of
individuals and companies viewed as being linked to government
repression. However, in the political context of Burma during the
sanctions years, many local businesses had no choice but to work with
the government or the military. Many benefited from such ties. This
places enormous importance not just on the due diligence investors need
to undertake before selecting business partners, but also the
accountability and transparency of these relationships over the months
and years ahead.
International companies that think they can be secretive about their
relationships in Burma, beyond the threshold justifiable by normal
competitive requirements, are gravely mistaken and will be increasing
the risk associated with their investments and operations. This is
equally true in the context of other key challenges ahead for the
country, such as issues relating to land appropriation and use,
discrimination, labour rights, conflict and resource allocation.
The [98]Institute for Human Rights and Business (IHRB) is working with
the [99]Danish Institute for Human Rights on a new initiative to
develop a resource centre with partners in Burma to help business,
government, civil society and trade unions apply the UN Guiding
Principles and other relevant international standards to the many
challenges ahead. That includes learning from how difficult questions
relating to corporate responsibility have been addressed across a broad
range of business sectors and in different parts of the world. The
bottom line is that all actors in Burma need to be accountable for
their human rights impacts. It is equally important that people have
access to adequate remedies when rights abuses do occur. These points
are critical in shaping a culture of sustainable investment in the
country.
John Morrison is executive director of the [100]Institute for Human
Rights and Business
This content is brought to you by [101]Guardian Professional. Become
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* [125]A Burmese fisherman
[126]How companies can rewrite Burma's story and avoid a repeat of
history
A temporary lifting of EU sanctions should be used to help oversee
development of responsible corporate labour practices
* [127]children skipping
[128]Making the market a force for good
Many companies already understand the important role they play in
supporting the wellbeing of communities, but what can be done to
ensure social responsibility becomes a key part of corporate
strategy?
* [129]Zibulo Colliery
[130]A hand up for entrepreneurs
Creating jobs outside the mining sector is one of the main ways
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Wednesday, February 29, 2012 11:18 PM GMT
Burma’s Economy: The Next Big Story in Asia
By Chris Mayer
"It's like Thailand was 50 years ago," Alexandre de Lesseps told me. We
were talking about the next big emerging market to bloom in Asia. It
may surprise you, but it is one heck of a story... and opportunity. It
also fits our grand thesis on [1]emerging markets and is the subject of
my upcoming book, World Right Side Up. The country I'm talking about is
Myanmar (or Burma, as most people still seem to call it).
I caught up with Alex over the holidays because I remembered his
infectious enthusiasm for the country. He is an accomplished investor
of frontier markets, those half-forgotten realms on the fringe of the
investing world. Alex has been investing in Burma for 15 years as a
partner at SPA Capital Partners, working with Serge Pun & Associates.
The latter is an investment holding company that has been in Burma
since '91. (And yes, Alex is the great-great- grandson of Ferdinand de
Lesseps, the French developer of the Suez Canal, who also oversaw the
early construction of the Panama Canal.)
I first met Alex at a dinner at a pleasant riverside restaurant in
Phnom Penh, Cambodia. My friend Doug Clayton of Leopard Capital
arranged the dinner. (We'll hear from Doug in a bit.) I was in the
middle of a swing through Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. When I asked
investors in these places what the next big story to emerge from
Southeast Asia would be, the answer was always the same: Burma.
Burma is beginning, at last, to thaw. The grip of the military junta is
loosening, by its own hand. ("This is very important," Alex said. "The
decision to change the country came from within. It speaks to the depth
and substance of the changes taking place.") The market is beginning to
open up. Political prisoners have been released. Press censorship rules
have been relaxed. Things are happening quickly. Even Hillary Clinton
visited late last year, the first US Secretary of State to do so in 50
years.
Alex told me he's never seen anything like it in all his years in
Burma. The hotels are full. Many are already sold-out for the first few
months of the year. And Burma gets more and more mainstream attention
nearly every week. Why is Burma important?
In short, it has everything the world craves - in size. The Wall Street
Journal reported: "Myanmar's potential is too great for some investors
to ignore. One of the last, large frontier markets in Asia, it is rich
in oil, gas, timber and gems and has the potential to be a major rice
and seafood exporter." Estimates of [2]natural gas reserves, for
instance, would make Burmese fields the 10th largest in the world.
Labour costs are low, which could support basic manufacturing.
Doug Clayton visited Rangoon (Yangon) and wrote about it in his
newsletter. Doug notes that Burma has the largest landmass in mainland
Southeast Asia and big fertile river deltas. It has 1,240 miles of
uninterrupted coastline, deep-water port sites on the strategic Indian
Ocean, plus 600 little-used tropical islands.
As home to more than 2,000 pagodas and temples and miles of pristine
beaches, Burma could support a larger tourism business. "From my own
wanderings in both countries," Doug concludes, "I would rate Myanmar's
long-term tourism potential just as strong as Thailand's - which draws
14 million tourists a year, versus Myanmar's 300,000."
The comparison with Thailand is hard to miss, and Doug pursues it
further. "To comprehend Myanmar's potential, look over the border at
Thailand, a country of comparable size and population," Doug continues.
"Around the time of World War II, colonial Burma's economy and
development surpassed Thailand's."
Since then, though, Thailand's economy is now 10 times bigger than
Myanmar's. Doug reckons that "the gap between these historical peers
seems likely to narrow as Myanmar introduces a political system more
similar to Thailand's."
This is essentially the motive force behind the "world right side up"
idea - this narrowing of historically anomalous large gaps in
development to a world more in tune with longer historical experience
(and hence, right side up).
One of the books I read over the holidays was Thant Myint-U's Where
China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia. Thant
continues the theme. Rangoon was once the rich capital of British
Burma. It was an exporter of rice, timber and oil.
"By the late 1920s," Thant writes, "Rangoon exceeded New York as the
greatest immigrant port in the world... Rangoon became a hub for all of
Asia." By the 1930s, Burma's economy, on a per capita basis, was at
least twice that of China's. Today, China's is about six times as
great. That is a gap that ought to narrow as Burma opens up.
Simple geography also anchors Burma's importance. It sits between China
and India like a hinge. It is a big country, the size of France, with
60 million people. Thant makes Burma's unique position clear. If you
draw a 700-mile radius around Mandalay, Burma's second-largest city,
you encompass a population of 700 million people - nearly one in 10 of
all the people on the planet.
It is a natural crossroads. Already, work has begun on a network of
pipelines and highways and railways - all with Burma as the bridge to
the two potentially biggest markets on earth, China and India.
"There will be opportunities to invest," Alex told me. Indeed, he's
already seeing investors line up. In the next several months, new funds
will launch. The Tokyo Stock Exchange announced it would help Myanmar
develop its stock market. Many companies are already trying to elbow
their way in Burma.
These are mostly Asian companies, as they are not covered by the
sanctions imposed by the US and Europe. But some Western companies are
already making inroads. Unilever sells soap and soup. Caterpillar, too,
has a business there. And a few are still there as exceptions to the
sanctions, such as the French oil giant Total.
Overwhelmingly, the foreign investment has focused on [3]oil and gas,
mining and power. And [4]Burma's biggest investor has been China. (One
Chinese businessman quoted in Thant's book says, "I hope the sanctions
last forever." And why not? It keeps out the competition.) There is
plenty of opportunity in basic things like cement and automobiles and
hotels.
And it's all just beginning. We'll keep an eye on Burma as
opportunities open up. It's an exciting time to be an investor as the
world turns right side up.
Regards,
Chris Mayer
for The Daily Reckoning Australia
Chris Mayer is the editor of US-based newsletters Capital & Crisis and
Mayer's Special Situations.
This article originally appeared in [5]The Daily Reckoning USA
Références
1. http://www.dailyreckoning.com.au/when-emerging-markets-shape-the-developed-world/2012/02/08/
2. http://www.dailyreckoning.com.au/when-emerging-markets-shape-the-developed-world/2012/02/08/
3. http://www.moneymorning.com.au/20120216/global-oil-chokepoints-and-the-new-silk-road-for-energy.html
4. http://www.moneymorning.com.au/20120216/global-oil-chokepoints-and-the-new-silk-road-for-energy.html
5. http://dailyreckoning.com/the-next-big-story-in-asia/
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Friday, June 1, 2012 3:27 PM GMT
Suu Kyi Pleas For Foreign Investment Into Myanmar, But Warns Against
Excessive Optimism Over Reforms
By Palash R. Ghosh
Aung San Suu Kyi warned the world against expecting too much from the
pace of democratic reforms in her native Myanmar (also known as Burma).
In a much-anticipated speech at the World Economic Forum in Bangkok,
Thailand, the newly-elected parliamentarian said there was already too
much "reckless optimism" over a number of moderate reforms that the
nominally civilian government of Myanmar has enacted over the past two
years.
She cited, among other things, that the Burmese parliament was far from
a democratic body, that there existed no independent judiciary in the
country and that the military (which ruled the country with an iron
hand for fifty years) still wields a significant amount of power and
may not embrace further democratic reforms.
However, she urged foreign investors to invest in Myanmar in order to
provide jobs for the young and alleviate high rates of poverty. But
even that sentiment was tempered by her fears that an influx of foreign
money might serve to exacerbate inequality and spawn more corruption.
"Investors in Burma, please be warned - even the best investment law
would be of no use whatsoever if there is no court clean enough and
independent enough to be able to administer these laws justly," she
said.
"Good laws already exist in Burma, but we do not have a clean and
independent judicial system. Unless we have such a system it is no use
having the best laws in the world."
She added: ''I am here not to tell you what to do but to tell you what
we need. There is a great need for basic skills. We need vocational
training much more than higher education. We want [foreign investments]
to mean jobs. Please think deeply for us. We don't want investment to
mean further corruption. and greater inequality."
Suu Kyi also said she hopes for the day when Burma becomes "part of
that more prosperous, peaceful world."
The Burmese icon has dominated the summit with the sheer weight of her
star power. Prior to her formal appearance at the summit, she made a
splash by ditching her luxurious Bangkok hotel in order to meet with
poor Burmese migrants in a humble suburb south of the gleaming city and
promised to help them.
Next month, Suu Kyi will voyage to Europe, where she is expected to
make a speech in Geneva and also journey to Oslo, Norway, to formally
accept the Nobel Peace Prize she was awarded in absentia in 1991. She
is also expected to make stops in Paris, Ireland and the UK, where she
has family members.
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U.S. to demand disclosures as it eases Myanmar sanctions
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By Arshad Mohammed
11 July 2012 @ 05:48 pm BST
VIENTIANE -
The United States on Wednesday eased sanctions to allow its companies
to invest in and provide financial services to Myanmar but will require
them to make detailed disclosures about their dealings, the White House
said.
The unusual reporting requirement aims to promote greater transparency
in the country - among the world's most corrupt according to watchdog
Transparency International - as it emerges from nearly half century of
military rule.
In a development first reported by Reuters early on Wednesday,
President Barack Obama directed the U.S. Treasury Department to issue
two general licenses, one giving general permission for investment in
Myanmar and the other allowing financial services.
"Easing sanctions is a strong signal of our support for reform, and
will provide immediate incentives for reformers and significant
benefits to the people of Burma," Obama said, using the traditional
name of the Southeast Asian country.
But the president added that the unfinished state of reforms left the
United States "deeply concerned about the lack of transparency in
Burma's investment environment and the military's role in the economy."
"U.S. companies will be asked to report on their activities in line
with international corporate governance standards," Obama added.
The rules require U.S. individuals and entities making new investments
of more than $500,000 to submit annual reports to the State Department
on issues such as human rights, workers' rights and environmental
stewardship, the department said.
Annual payments exceeding $10,000 made to Myanmar government entities
including state-owned enterprises must also be reported, while those
investing in the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise must notify the State
Department within 60 days.
"The purpose of the public report is to promote greater transparency
and encourage civil society to partner with our companies toward
responsible investment," the departments of State and Treasury said in
a fact sheet explaining the policies.
White House spokesman Tommy Vietor told reporters the new investment
"does not authorize investment with Burmese Ministry of Defence, state
or non-state armed groups, or entities owned by the foregoing."
NO REWARDS FOR ABUSERS
The moves fulfil a May 17 announcement made by U.S. Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton to ease U.S. sanctions on investment and financial
services in recognition of Myanmar's startling political reforms over
the last 15 months.
The Obama administration left the sanctions laws on the books, giving
Washington leverage should Myanmar start to backslide on its reforms.
Obama added a new Executive Order expanding sanctions to cover "those
who undermine the reform process, engage in human rights abuses,
contribute to ethnic conflict, or participate in military trade with
North Korea," he said.
This order underscored that "individuals who continue to engage in
abusive, corrupt, or destabilizing behaviour going forward will not
reap the rewards of reform," said Obama.
Clarification of the rules for investment could prompt a rush of U.S.
companies into the country.
Coca-Cola Co, for instance, said last month it wanted to work in
Myanmar as soon as the government allowed it. It is one of just three
countries in the world where the soft drinks giant does not operate.
The other two are North Korea and Cuba.
Conglomerate General Electric Co has also expressed strong interest in
the country, particularly in the healthcare and electricity sectors. In
the face of street protests over power outages, Myanmar's government
promised in May it would buy two 25-megawatt gas turbines from the
company.
Sanctions have also been suspended or lifted by other developed
countries, including Canada, Australia, Japan and European Union
states.
The British government's trade promotion body, UK Trade & Investment,
opened an office in Myanmar's commercial capital, Yangon, on Wednesday.
ACTIVIST GROUPS REMAIN WORRIED
Myanmar's quasi-civilian government took office in March 2011 and has
started overhauling its economy, easing media censorship, legalizing
trade unions and protests and freeing political prisoners.
The United States has responded with diplomatic and economic gestures,
sending Clinton to Myanmar last year as the first U.S. secretary of
state to visit in more than 50 years, as well as tentatively easing
sanctions this year.
One source said the long delay between Clinton making her announcement
and the Treasury issuing the licenses was partly because of a debate
among officials over how much disclosure to require.
In a land of widespread poverty but rich in timber, gems, and gas,
Myanmar's crony capitalists - a clique of fewer than 20 families - grew
rich with help from Than Shwe, a military dictator who ruled from 1992
until he stepped aside last year.
"The central point of all of this is to focus on transparency, the
theory being that the more information the greater the incentive to
comply with responsible norms and practices," the source said.
This source said that some disclosures would be to the public while
others would be in confidence to the U.S. government to protect
proprietary business information. The State Department said it would
announce a public comment period for the private sector to study the
reporting requirements and to flag any problems.
Human rights groups and exiled Burmese democracy activists remained
sceptical that military officials and army-linked businessmen could be
prevented from profiting from U.S. deals.
"The U.S. government has acknowledged that there are many unacceptable
business partners in Burma. However, the government has failed in its
responsibility to clarify who these actors are, or to prohibit U.S.
companies from conducting business with these problematic entities,"
said a joint statement by the U.S. Campaign For Burma and three other
advocacy groups.
The latest step in easing sanctions came a day after Derek Mitchell, an
Asia expert with long think tank and Pentagon experience, presented his
credentials as the first U.S. ambassador to the country in decades.
(Additional reporting by Matt Spetalnick, Doug Palmer and Paul Eckert
in Washington; Editing by Jonathan Thatcher, Cynthia Osterman and
Jackie Frank)
Copyright 2011 Thomson Reuters UK. All rights reserved.
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[80]Picture This
Analysis - Myanmar's ambitious Dawei project faces uncertainty
By Jason Szep
February 3, 2012 10:42 AM GMT
Dusty roads and makeshift offices are the only hints of the ambitious
$50 billion (31 billion pounds) project slated for the thick jungles
near Myanmar's southern city of Dawei, billed by its developers as the
"new global gateway of Indo-China."
Big questions surround the far-reaching plans by Thailand's largest
construction firm, Italian-Thai Development Pcl, to transform 250 sq
kms (97 sq miles) of scrubland in southern Myanmar into Southeast
Asia's largest industrial complex.
"There is very little activity around here related to this project. A
lot of us wonder if they are really confident enough about it to go
forward with it," said Kyaw Naing Oo, 40, a trader in Maungmakan, whose
white-sand beaches would border the project.
That comment is echoed by other villagers, industry analysts and even
the government.
In a country where a third of the 60 million people live on less than
one U.S. dollar a day, Dawei is striking in its scale and ambition.
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Super-highways, steel mills, power plants, shipyards, refineries, pulp
and paper mills and a petrochemical complex are part of it, as are two
golf courses and a holiday resort - all strategically nestled in
Southeast Asia between rising powers India and China.
But just over a year since the former military junta signed a deal to
create Myanmar's first and biggest special economic zone (SEZ) at
Dawei, the project has made little headway, despite the dramatic
political reforms sweeping the country and the prospect of a gradual
lifting in Western sanctions as the former British colony emerges from
half a century of isolation.
Italian-Thai has yet to secure $8.5 billion to finance construction of
its first phase -- roads, a telecoms network, utilities and a port --
after building a dirt road of more than 100 km (62 miles) to
neighbouring Thailand. Its executives hope to find a strategic partner
by year-end and plan to present the project to potential investors in
South Korea this month.
Myanmar Energy Minister Than Htay told Reuters last week that at least
two other SEZs would be developed more quickly than Dawei: the Thilawa
project near the commercial capital, Yangon, and Kyaukphyu, where the
China-Myanmar pipeline starts and a deep-sea port is nearly finished.
"It is faster than the Dawei zone," he said of Kyaukphyu. "Now we are
considering supplying the electricity at Kyaukphyu area," he said.
Securing a stable source of electricity has been at the heart of
Dawei's problems since the government abruptly halted construction of a
4,000 megawatt coal-fired power plant in the area on January 10, citing
environmental concerns.
ENERGY SUPPLY "NOT SURE"
Somchet Thinaphong, managing director of Dawei Development Co Ltd,
controlled by Italian-Thai, told Reuters on January 23 that its power
plant partner, Ratchaburi Electricity Generating Holding Pcl, would
decide on a fuel type within three months, including the possible use
of natural gas funnelled to the site via a 50 kms (31 mile) pipeline
from fields within Myanmar.
But Than Htay ruled out using natural gas to fuel Dawei.
"Up to now the electric power supply for that project is not sure," he
said of Dawei.
In a country beset by chronic electrical outages, powering even a home
can be difficult, let alone an industrial zone. Blackouts are common
across the country, even at Yangon's international airport.
That puts pressure on Ratchaburi, whose involvement is limited to a
feasibility study as "a preliminary step," it said in a November 16
statement.
Than Htay stressed other ministries would decide Dawei's future, not
his. But he offered his personal view of what the government will do:
"My guess is sell out, according to the contract made by the previous
government."
Italian-Thai , which signed a 60-year concession to develop Dawei 14
months ago, has brushed aside those comments. Somchet of Dawei
Development Co insists the project will go ahead. "It's at the point of
no return. They can say whatever they want but the final decision will
depend on the special committee chaired by Myanmar's president,"
Somchet told Reuters on January 27.
He has a powerful local partner. A quarter of Dawei Development is held
by Max Myanmar Group, owned by Burmese tycoon Zaw Zaw, whose close ties
to the government put him on the U.S. targeted sanctions list in 2009.
A November 15, 2007 U.S. diplomatic cable described Zaw Zaw as an "up
and coming crony." Today he is one of Myanmar's most influential
businessmen.
Thailand's top lender, Bangkok Bank, is advising on the power project
and Siam Commercial Bank on the whole project.
Companies that Italian-Thai has identified as possible investors
include Malaysia's Petroliam Nasional Bhd, Japan's Mitsubishi Corp,
Mitsui & Co and Sumitomo Corp, and South Korea's POSCO.
Japanese Trade and Economy Minister Yukio Edano discussed the project
with the Myanmar and Thai governments when he visited both countries
last month.
"This project is huge and is getting a lot of interest from foreign
investors," said Somchet, who personally met Edano and sees Dawei as a
possible location for Japanese firms to build parts for use at car
manufacturing plants in Thailand, as well as a low-cost location for
industrial production for Thai companies.
He expects much of the infrastructure, including a proper road to
Thailand, to be completed within three years, creating a stable route
for cargo sent to Dawei from the Middle East and Africa for shipping to
Bangkok and beyond in Southeast Asia, bypassing the congested Strait of
Malacca.
"CLOUDED WITH RISKS"
Brokers appear less sure.
In a recent note to clients, Singapore stock brokerage DBS Vickers
Securities highlighted the risks.
"Despite potential to bring economic prosperity to Burma, the project
is still in its infancy and clouded with risks," it said. "The sudden
call to halt the 4,000 megawatt coal-fired power plant project would
make it difficult for Italian-Thai to secure strategic partners to help
fund the project."
It described Dawei Development Co's plans to sell land in the area to
raise funds for the project as "optimistic" and stressed that without
strategic partners and firm funding, Dawei Development would remain a
drag on Italian-Thai's earnings this year.
In the year to date, Italian-Thai shares have underperformed those of
its peers and the overall market due to uncertainty over the Myanmar
project. The stock has risen just 0.1 percent in the past 12 months.
Italian-Thai has an "Analyst Revision Score" of 14 under a model by
earnings-tracker StarMine which ranks stocks according to changes in
analyst sentiment, with 100 representing the highest rank.
Kanit Sangsubhan, director of the Thai Finance Ministry's Economic and
Financial Research Institute, told Reuters Dawei would need heavy
government involvement or state enterprises to co-invest.
Whether that will happen is unclear. Than Htay of Myanmar's Energy
Ministry said the government wanted to promote more private
involvement. "Regarding the petroleum refineries or the downstream
plants, now most of the plans will be taken charge of by the private
sector. Up to now, I have no plan to participate in that area because I
need to mind existing jobs."
PTT Exploration and Production Pcl, Thailand's top state-controlled oil
and gas explorer, has shown little interest in the project, and neither
has its parent, PTT Plc, Thailand's biggest company.
"It is still very early days on Dawei," said Sean Turnell, an expert on
Myanmar's economy at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. "They
are better off having a special economic zone near Yangon. Dawei mainly
benefits Thailand. There are not a lot of benefits to Burma from that
one."
IN DAWEI, MIXED VIEWS
In Dawei itself, views of the project are mixed.
Some such as Hsan Htoo, a 25-year-old high school dropout working on a
fishing trawler, hope it can bring jobs to the impoverished area, where
many live in thatched-roof huts and many young people have left to work
in neighbouring Thailand.
"I heard that Dawei will create job opportunities for many local
people. That would be very good. It would mean that we wouldn't have to
leave our homes and work in other countries," he said.
Others worry about the potential environmental toll and health risks
from a project that would be four times bigger than Thailand's largest
industrial estate, Map Ta Phut, where pollution between 1996 and 2009
may have contributed to at least 2,000 cancer-related deaths, according
to environmental activists who sought legal action to halt the estate
in 2009.
"It is just not worth it," said Sein Win Aung, a 34-year-old private
taxi owner who came out to listen to opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi
address a crowd of thousands in Dawei on Sunday. "We hear about the
problems at the industrial estate in Thailand. We don't want those
problems here."
Some activists visited Map Ta Phut to see the impact first-hand.
In a sign of dramatic change in Myanmar, a village advocacy group has
been formed to oppose the project. The Dawei Development Group has
raised concern that as many as 32,000 people would be displaced in a
region known for its pristine coast, groves of coconut palms and
plantations of cashews, mango and rubber.
Such groups would have been quickly shut down, their leaders arrested,
during the half-century of military rule that ended last March when a
nominally civilian government took office.
Instead, they are now becoming more organised, emboldened by the
government's surprise suspension of the $3.6 billion, Chinese-led
Myitsone dam project on September 30 following weeks of public outcry.
"What we want is for the project to be done with transparency. It may
ultimately go ahead, but we want to make sure it is done by the rule of
law and that environmental assessment studies are carried out," said
one senior activist in Yangon who has worked closely with the Dawei
Development Group.
But Dawei is an economic lifeline for villagers such as Win Aung, a
34-year-old driver for Italian-Thai, one of about 200 of the company's
workers in Dawei. He used to work in Thailand, but hated it. He chafed
at living away from his family. "I didn't enjoying working there at
all. Most of my friends don't enjoy their jobs either but most people
have no other choice."
He said the project was going ahead, and expects it will eventually
transform the isthmus that separates the Andaman Sea from the Gulf of
Thailand, strengthening Myanmar's relationship with India, China and
Southeast Asia by linking them together in trade.
Bulldozers were clearing land, he said. Buildings for offices and staff
quarters were being built, but no major construction had begun. Many
villagers need to be relocated.
Italian-Thai is buying land from the locals but has yet to complete new
homes where they would live, he said.
He remained optimistic about what it would mean for villagers like him.
"It will create many, many job opportunities for local people," he
said.
(Additional reporting by Aung Hla Tun in Dawei and Khettiya Jittapong
and Pisit Changplayngam in Bangkok; Editing by Ed lane)
Copyright 2012 Thomson Reuters UK. All rights reserved.
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[80]Picture This
Myanmar by-elections vital for EU sanctions move - official
By Martin Petty
February 13, 2012 7:21 AM GMT
A top EU official held out the prospect of a further easing of
sanctions on Myanmar during a meeting on Monday with a senior member of
the new civilian administration and announced increased aid to
acknowledge reforms already begun.
In a meeting that a handful of journalists were, unusually, allowed to
attend, European Commissioner for Development Andris Piebalgs told
house speaker Thura Shwe Mann it was important that parliament became
an active player in the reform process.
The former Burma was ruled by the military for almost 50 years until
elections in November 2010, and its new parliament is dominated by
military personnel and an army-backed party.
But by-elections on April 1 should see more opposition members voted
in, including Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace laureate and long-time
campaigner for democracy.
Commissioner Piebalgs noted the European Union had already softened its
sanctions.
"Some restrictions were suspended because we recognised the changes in
the country. For this reason the by-elections are a crucial process,"
he said.
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Shwe Mann, number three in the former junta and a pivotal figure in the
new administration, said he would be happy to see Suu Kyi's National
League for Democracy (NLD) in parliament. The party swept a 1990
election but the military ignored the result. It boycotted the 2010
election.
"We have established a parliament, taking the necessary actions for
democracy to thrive in Myanmar. The NLD and other parties, if they win
in the by-elections, they can be in parliament. We will welcome them,"
he told Piebalgs.
The European Union and the United States have also said the freeing of
political prisoners was crucial to the resumption of full diplomatic
and economic links.
Last month, the European Union eased sanctions slightly when its
Foreign Affairs Council agreed to temporarily lift travel bans on
President Thein Sein and top government officials in response to
ceasefire deals with ethnic minority rebels and a fourth prisoner
amnesty on January 13, when about 300 political detainees were freed.
Estimates vary on how many remain behind bars, but Shwe Mann suggested
there could be further amnesties after an official review.
"The remaining political prisoners are those who have committed
criminal activities in this country. Those who are on that list, if
they have been involved in terrorist activities or harmed the public,
they will not be included," he said.
STEPPED-UP AID
Later, Piebalgs became the most senior EU representative to meet
President Thein Sein.
He has announced a 150 million euro (125 million pounds), two-year aid
package to help Myanmar reverse decades of stagnation because of
international isolation and inept military rule.
The European Union is leading the way in trying to support a country
badly in need of new infrastructure and health and education
facilities. To illustrate the stepped-up commitment, its new aid
package is worth almost as much as the 173 million euros it has given
the Southeast Asian country since 1996.
That aid concentrated on health and education, but the new package also
aims to find resources for people displaced by conflict and for
agriculture, which provides a living for many of the country's
estimated 60 million people.
Some diplomats from EU member states believe the bloc will lift more
sanctions as the year goes on, moving earlier than the United States,
which is also positive about the changes but has a stricter sanctions
regime that could take longer to undo.
The European Union's annual sanctions review will take place in April,
after the April 1 by-elections for 48 legislative assembly seats.
The government, which is anxious to see the sanctions scrapped, pulled
out all the stops to allow Suu Kyi to run. It hopes her presence will
add legitimacy to a parliament that is becoming more vocal but still
has only limited powers.
Piebalgs will meet Suu Kyi at her home in the former capital, Yangon,
on Tuesday.
"The release of prisoners and, if it ends up being the case, free
elections in April, will be used as motivation for the EU to prove that
engagement 'works'," said Joakim Kreutz, a researcher at Sweden's
Uppsala University and an expert on Myanmar sanctions.
"I still expect the arms embargo and some personal sanctions on junta
veterans to remain, but I would not be surprised if some measures are
lifted."
Western businesses constrained by the sanctions are quietly showing
interest in Myanmar for its natural resources -- oil, gas, timber and
gemstones -- and are also looking to invest in tourism, financial
services, hotels, telecommunications networks and infrastructure.
(Writing by Alan Raybould; Editing by Robert Birsel)
Copyright 2012 Thomson Reuters UK. All rights reserved.
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[SLIDESHOW]
Burma May Lift Ban on Punk Rock after David Cameron Visit
* [30]Article
Burma May Lift Ban on Punk Rock after David Cameron Visit
By [31]Jamie Lewis: Subscribe to Jamie's [32]RSS feed
April 13, 2012 5:39 PM GMT
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David Cameron in Burma: Ludicrous Laws on Punk Rock Could Lighten
David Cameron in Burma: Ludicrous Laws on Punk Rock Could Lighten
David Cameron's historic visit to Burma and his promise of easing
sanctions if the regime brings in further political reforms could have
unexpected consequences for the country's fledgling punk rock scene.
In an effort to attract investment after decades as a pariah state, the
repressive Burmese junta may lift some of its more ludicrous laws, such
as the ban on punk music.
In the West, punk has always been associated with rebellion and anarchy
but in Burma, just listening to it could get you arrested.
Two punk bands that are tolerated at best are No U Turn and the Rebel
Riot who, to their fans, fight the oppressive laws on a daily basis.
The Rebel Riot's lyrics are clearly anti-oppression: "No fear! No
indecision!/ Rage against the system of the oppressors!" and "We are
poor, hungry and have no chance/ Human rights don't apply to us/We are
victims, victims, victims."
Their shows regularly attract the notice of the police and it is widely
believed that punk crowds are heavily laced with police informants.
Cameron's visit took place on the day of the Burmese water festival.
"What I see happening in Burma is a potential flowering of freedom and
democracy and I think that from everything I've seen it seems as if the
president of Burma is intent on taking a new path and wants to see a
progressive flourishing of freedom and democracy," he told students.
He was the first British prime minister to visit Burma since the
country severed its ties and became independent from Britain in 1948.
Early days
Photo:Reuters
Early days
Young punks during the Burma water festival at a music bar in Yangon
Anger is an energy
Photo:Reuters
Anger is an energy
When punk exploded on to the music scene in Britain in 1976 it scared
the Establishment. There were unofficial bans and heavy-handed police
tactics occasionally but Burma's punks have had to deal with a much
more sinister regime.
Dare to be different
Photo:REUTERS
Dare to be different
Spiky hair defines the punk image worldwide
Old and new
Photo:Reuters
Old and new
Burma celebrates the New Year Water Festival of Thingyan during the
month of Tagu - even at a punk festival in Yangon
Young punk Photo:Reuters
Young punk
Punk is about fighting repression. Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung
San Suu Kyi is a figurehead for many punks in the country.
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Coca-Cola Plans Re-entry in Burma After 60 Years of Absence
Cuba and North Korea remain to be the two countries where Coca-Cola has no
presence.
By [88]Geetha Pillai: Subscribe to Geetha's [89]RSS feed
June 15, 2012 9:20 AM GMT
Soft-drink maker Coca-Cola plans to return to Burma after a long
absence of 60 years, as the US government eased economic sanctions
against the Buddhist nation.
The Atlanta-based company is planning to make "significant investments"
in the next three to five years and is waiting for the necessary
approvals from the US government that allows companies to start
investments in the Southeast Asian nation.
"Coca-Cola's planned entry into Burma, following the suspension of
sanctions, will be governed by its well-established global standards
for corporate ethics including strict adherence to its global human and
workplace rights policy, supplier guiding principles, code of business
conduct, and anti-bribery policies," said Coca-Cola in a statement on
Thursday.
The beverages major is planning to import products from the
neighbouring countries as a first step before starting its production
facilities in Burma.
With its latest entry into Burma, Cuba and North Korea are the other
two nations where the company has no presence, said Coca-Cola in the
statement.
Other corporate majors who have announced their plans to foray into the
minerals-rich nation are the London-based WPP, the world's biggest
advertising company and India's major automaker, Tata Motors. General
Electric (GE) and Honda Motors also have plans to enter Burma,
according to a report by Bloomberg.
Follow us
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Meanwhile, Burma's pro-democracy leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu
Kyi appealed for worker's rights during a speech at the International
Labour Organisation in Geneva on Thursday and warned against economic
development ignoring the rights of labourers.
Suu Kyi was released from decades of detention in late 2010. She is
due to accept her 1991Nobel Peace Prize on Saturday in Oslo.
The US has eased the economic sanctions on Burma followed by its
recent transition to democracy from decades of military rule, which
left its 64 million people in isolation and poverty.
This article is copyrighted by IBTimes.co.uk, the business news leader
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Bringing Burma Along
Opinion
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BY [32]Amanda Sawit | October 15 2012 11:27 AM
Recent back-to-back visits to the United States by the top two leaders
of Myanmar (better known as Burma) -- opposition leader Aung San Suu
Kyi and current President Thein Sein -- have brought the Southeast
Asian nation back into the international spotlight. They have also
underscored the need for U.S. engagement as a bulwark against the
economic uncertainty, ethnic tensions and civil unrest that continue to
plague Burma's exceedingly fragile evolution.
[33]Bringing Burma Along
(Photo: Reuters)
Leader of the Burmese opposition party National League for Democracy
met with U.S. President Barack Obama on Wednesday in the White House.
Sponsorship Link
Washington has been an energetic proponent of Burma’s political
transformation for some time now. Most visibly, Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton made a landmark visit to the country in 2011, during
which she committed the U.S. to an “action-for-action” strategy; as
Burma continued to enact political reforms, the U.S. would reciprocate
with economic aid and the easing of sanctions. But in the months since
Clinton’s visit, it has become clear that Burma's democratic
transition, while proceeding cautiously, still rests on shaky ground.
This summer, riots erupted in Rakhine state, fuelled by tensions
between Burmese Buddhists and minority ethnic Rohingya Muslims. The
Rohingyas’ plight sparked outcry from the international community, with
some [34]accusing Burmese authorities of carrying out violent and
systematic discrimination -- with devastating results. Conservative
estimates put the death toll from the conflict in the hundreds, while
the United Nations projects that some 90,000 people were displaced.
The outbreak of violence prompted heightened international scrutiny of
the new Burmese government, revealing in the process that its two most
prominent achievements to date -- the abolition of press censorship and
the release of political prisoners -- remain very much works in
progress.
Still, some halting forward momentum is visible. The Burmese government
deserves credit for freeing some 500 prisoners in recent weeks in a
move that neatly coincided with its president’s trip to the U.S. Yet
only 88 of these were political prisoners, and even those were granted
“provisional freedom,” [35]according to a report by Human Rights Watch.
(More depressingly, the report goes on to highlight how “freed
dissidents” are still barred access to movement, education and
psychological treatment for their prison-induced trauma.)
Similarly, in August, the Thien government abolished the law requiring
reporters to submit their work to state censors before publication. The
elimination of this 50-year-old “tradition” was hailed by outside
observers as a substantive sign of progress. However, [36]the BBC
reports that a series of laws untouched by the reforms could still be
used to prosecute journalists for their writing, and editors are still
under pressure to keep content “legal.” Nevertheless, publications
covering less sensitive issues are now allowed to print without prior
review, and thousands of Internet web sites are accessible to users,
permitting political content for the first time -- changes that would
have been unthinkable under military rule.
These developments are modest, to be sure, but they demonstrate that
some genuine progress indeed has been made in recent times in peeling
back the layers of historic autocratic governance. At the same time,
they underscore that Burma's transition to democracy remains both
tenuous and reversible.
As the U.S. begins to ease Burma’s diplomatic isolation, it must stay
focused on two complementary goals. The first has to do with bolstering
the country’s struggling economy. The second deals with defending the
human rights of minorities and political opponents.
These issue are organically linked. In her recent trip to Washington
DC, Aung San Suu Kyi, herself a long-time political dissident, made
that point when she said she favored a speedy move toward normalization
of commercial relations. The Obama administration [37]responded the
same week, lifting an import ban on Burmese products, and is now
working with Congress to pass a waiver that will dilute or remove the
bulk of remaining sanctions.
It's a good start. Burma is one of the poorest countries in Southeast
Asia, with 26 percent of the population living below the poverty line,
according to UN statistics. Lifting investment sanctions and import
bans will create desperately needed jobs in Burma and diversify the
economy away from its current, unhealthy dependence on energy exports.
Nothing can ease the rocky transition from autocracy to democracy more
effectively than economic growth, and nothing can undermine a newly
elected government like a faltering economy.
International actors are increasingly taking notice as well. The
European Union recently eased its own sanctions on Burma in response to
improving working conditions there; India, meanwhile, is eyeing the
country’s natural gas reserves, hoping to make up economic ground lost
to China during Burma's years of isolation. This kind of economic
competition is healthy, insofar as its logical outcome is a more
prosperous and liberalizing Burma. But it also carries the risk of
political backsliding, especially if Burmese authorities are tempted to
revert back to authoritarianism as economic stability strengthens.
Washington's biggest contribution to Burma's progress, then, isn't
simply to remain engaged on the economic and political fronts. It is
also to make sure that progress on the former doesn't come at the
expense of the latter.
Amanda Sawit is a researcher at the American Foreign Policy Council in
Washington, DC.
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BURMA
Burma’s Economy Can Triple by 2030: ADB
By [25]SIMON ROUGHNEEN / THE IRRAWADDY| August 21, 2012 |
3
[26]Print This Post
Ships docked in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)
Ships docked in Rangoon. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)
BANGKOK—Burma’s economy can triple in size by 2030 and make up some
ground lost to wealthier neighbors, say analysts, if sufficient reforms
are undertaken in the coming years.
A year of politically-focused changes such as releasing political
prisoners, and the Monday ending of pre-publication censorship for the
country’s media, will be followed by a series of economic reforms, the
Burmese government says, with new foreign investment regulations likely
to be passed into law in coming weeks.
If the reforms stay on track, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) believes
that Burma can attain “middle income” economic status by 2030, saying
that the economy has the potential to grow by seven-to-eight percent
per annum in the intervening years.
The World Bank defines a middle income country as one with a per capita
GDP of US $1,025—a status long-attained by neighbors such as Thailand,
Malaysia and more recently Vietnam, which launched its economic
glasnost in 1986.
“I underscore the word potential as there are a lot of challenges that
the country faces,” said Stephen Groff, ADB vice-president, speaking at
the launch of the bank’s report on the Burma economy at the Foreign
Correspondents Club in Bangkok on Monday.
Sixty-six percent of the population lives in the countryside, according
to 2010 World Bank numbers, and if Burma’s economic reforms are to
improve lives outside towns and cities, better living and working
conditions for the country’s rural poor will be key.
To reach its potential level of prosperity, “[Burma] need to maintain
macro-economic stability, they need to keep inflation low and under
control,” Groff said during a recent video interview. “They need to
keep sustainable and realistic budgets in place.”
Farming in Burma remains antiquated, say those involved in the
country’s agriculture sector. Aung Zaw Oo, joint-secretary of the
Myanmar Rice Industry Association said that “we need to improve the
awareness and the access to technology for farmers. We harvest in
Myanmar manually.” Burma was the world’s biggest rice exporter until
the 1960s, and plans to quadruple rice exports from last year’s 778,000
metric tons by 2015.
Better working conditions for farmers are hampered by Burma’s poor
infrastructure, with rural roads often little more than dirt-tracks and
electricity rare-to-absent in many areas of the country, particularly
in ethnic minority regions bordering Thailand, China and India. Power
shortages earlier this year prompted widespread candle-lit protests in
Burma’s towns and cities, despite the country being rich in natural
resources.
Banks too are scarce, says Groff, contributing to a lack of available
credit for people hoping to improve their farms.
Dr. Sean Turnell, an authority on the Burmese economy based at
Australia’s Macquarie University, said financial insecurity is
hampering many of the country’s millions of farmers. “The rural
indebtedness situation in Burma is terrible,” he said. “In the absence
of formal credit they fall into the hands of moneylenders, paying
interest of 10 percent per month.”
However, Burma’s young population—an estimated 25 percent of which is
under 30 years of age—could be an economic asset going forward, if
opportunities come their way. “Whether the youth population turns to a
demographic dividend or curse depends on the government,” said
Cyn-Young Park, an ADB economist, referring to the need for greater
investment in education, health and infrastructure.
Harnessing Burma’s young population—and ensuring that the country’s
political opening does not result in public disenchantment—means
helping millions to find jobs. With a new foreign investment law set to
be enacted during the current Parliament sitting, there are high hopes
that foreign companies will find Burma’s low wage economy attractive.
However, about three-quarters of the foreign investment into Burma to
date has been in oil and gas, says the ADB, which are sectors that do
not create much local employment.
After meeting Burma’s opposition leader and recently-elected
parliamentarian Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw over the weekend, Stephen
Groff said that “she feels strongly that jobs and job creation are
crucial,” echoing comments made by Burmese officials speaking at the
World Economic Forum in Bangkok in June.
The ADB halted its operations in Burma in 1988 but re-established an
office on Aug. 1 at Rangoon’s Inya Lake Hotel.
Related Posts :
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Roundup (Saturday, Jan. 26)
* [28]Burmese Ex-Telecoms Minister Faces Graft Probe Burmese
Ex-Telecoms Minister Faces Graft Probe
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Burma Still an ‘Extreme Risk’ for Investors Despite Reforms
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3 Responses to Burma’s Economy Can Triple by 2030: ADB
1. Ohn [33]August 21, 2012 - 5:38 am
What is it there that is so wonderful about getting money for
selling out a country at a strategic position rich in fertile soil,
forest, plentiful coastal line and gems and minerals?
Plenty of youth, endearingly called by their own dear “Mother Suu”
as “time-bombs”, could of course be one-dollar human garbage in
SEZ’s as unprotected, slavery from 7 to 11 (that is 11pm) in lovely
Chinese, Korean and Thai sweatshops.
Farmers are likely to lose their land to money men for near future
massive mechanization to become the “Biggest Rice Exporter of the
World” like good old golden times. Wonderful times, except for the
landless farmers ending up in fire-risk factories of the future
making soup and socks living n cramped soiled rooms watching
re-runs of “Friends”.
[34]Reply
2. Khin Win Kyi [35]August 21, 2012 - 6:25 am
Our neighbors will be at the level of the Western Countries in 30
years and Myanmar will still be much behind. So, Thein Sein needs a
lot to do today to catch up a lot faster. The government cannot
afford to drag its feet. Since 1962, Myanmar went backward while
Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand went forward. Even Vietnam has
been tying to catch up since ten years ago and Vietnam is now
blooming. Lets go U Thein Sein.
[36]Reply
3. myo nyunt [37]August 21, 2012 - 9:41 am
Myanmar economy can easily achieve a GDP growth rate ranging from 7
to 8 percent in the coming decades. But the acid test is ” how to
minimise the increasing wealth concentration by the few and reduce
the income disparities between urban and rural areas’. As
population growth rate of Myanmar has been projected as between
1.91 and 2.1 percent, unless its per capita income growth is
greater than say 2.5 percent or more in the coming decades economic
well being of the majority of Myanmar people is doubtful.
[38]Reply
[39]Cancel Reply
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BUSINESS
Environmental Crises Threaten Burma’s Economy
By [25]WILLIAM BOOT / THE IRRAWADDY| August 21, 2012 |
4
[26]Print This Post
A girl carries a basin on her head near a cyclone shelter outside Pyar
Pon Township in 2010. (Photo: Reuters)
A girl carries a basin on her head near a cyclone shelter outside Pyar
Pon Township in 2010. (Photo: Reuters)
As Burma attempts to rebuild after the decades of neglect, two studies
warn that the country also needs to build defenses against natural
disasters like Cyclone Nargis and guard against environmental
calamities.
Burma is one of several countries in Southeast Asia at risk of serious
environmental crises devastating their economies, says business risk
assessor Maplecroft.
Ten nations in Asia—including neighbors Bangladesh and India—were
identified as having little capacity to withstand natural disasters.
“High exposure to natural hazards in these countries are compounded by
a lack of resilience to combat the effects of a disaster should one
emerge,” said UK-based Maplecroft.
Burma is one of the countries with “the greatest proportion of their
economic output exposed to natural hazards,” according to the study.
“In addition, they also demonstrate poor capability to recover from a
significant event exposing investments in those countries to risk of
supply chain and market disruptions,” said Maplecroft. “This could lead
to sizable business interruption costs, in addition to material damage
to essential infrastructure.”
In a separate study, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) warns that East
Asian countries must act now to avert natural disasters engulfing their
mushrooming urban populations by adopting more renewable energy systems
and clean-air technologies.
Asia is urbanizing at a faster rate than anywhere else and is now home
to almost half the world’s city dwellers. By 2020, it will have 21 of
the world’s 37 megacities and over the next 30 years another 1.1
billion people are forecast to be living in metropolises, said the ADB
study.
“The region will be confronted with even greater environmental
challenges that are already serious, including air pollution,
congestion, carbon dioxide emissions, deprivation in water and basic
sanitation, plus growing vulnerability to natural disasters,” said the
ADB.
Just as Burma seeks to emerge from dilapidated isolation and encourage
investment in new infrastructure for electricity generation and
transport to catch up with other Southeast Asian countries, the ADB
warns that many “sophisticated” cities in the region face a decline in
living standards due to air pollution caused by excessive traffic,
industry and coal-burning power plants.
“Particularly disturbing are urban carbon dioxide emissions, which if
left unchecked under a business-as-usual scenario could reach 10.2
metric tons per capita by 2050, a level which would have disastrous
consequences for both Asia and the rest of the world,” said the report.
To avoid a decline in living standards and health as well as avert
urban disasters, Asia must follow a green urbanization path to “promote
the use of new technologies and renewable energy,” the ADB said.
“Asia must incorporate environmental priorities in city planning. This
is underway through building new and satellite cities with renewables
as primary energy sources, as piloted in [China],” the ADB said.
The natural disaster risks faced by Asian countries are made worse by
their economic fragility, said Maplecroft.
“Some of the highest risk countries have substantial economic outputs,
but they are fuelled by large, poor populations, many of which live on
marginal land such as flood plains, leaving constituent workforces at
heightened risk and without the necessary resources to re-establish
themselves in the aftermath of an event.”
Burma’s worst natural disaster, Cyclone Nargis, only occurred in May
2008. It killed at least 138,000 people and caused devastation in the
Irrawaddy Delta region which has still not yet fully recovered.
Without infrastructure in place to respond to similar calamities,
Burma’s ambition to become a major rice producer and exporter remains
in serious jeopardy, the studies’ researchers say.
Maplecroft highlighted that even Burma’s more developed neighbor
Thailand suffered serious financial losses and disruption when severe
flooding inundated both industrial zones and rice paddy around Bangkok
in 2011.
The flooding reduced Thailand’s GDP by nine percent and the economy is
still suffering one year on.
“The floods also affected the operations and supply chains of
multinational companies, with the automotive industry and ICT sectors
hardest hit—manufacturers of hard-drives were only able to meet
two-thirds of demand in the final quarter of 2011, pushing prices up by
up to 55 percent,” Maplecroft cited as an example of the knock-on
effects of natural disasters.
“The test for emerging and developing economies is to build a stronger
capacity to meet the challenge of hazard-prone environments,” said
Maplecroft’s Helen Hodge. “Failure to do so will risk their ambitious
economic growth when the inevitable natural hazards strike.”
The ADB suggests that Burma is ideally positioned to benefit from the
mistakes made by more advanced economies in Southeast Asia where
“breakneck expansion has been accompanied by a sharp rise in pollution,
slums and widening economic and social inequalities which are causing
rapid environmental degradation.”
So with the advantage of hindsight, Burma is in a position where it
could avoid these problems by directing measured and sustainable
development. The bank’s report urges governments to invest in less
polluting technology and infrastructure and to focus on
energy-efficient urban buildings to reduce electricity demand.
“For urbanization to be not only green but inclusive, policymakers need
to promote climate-resilient cities, in order to prevent disasters like
the 2011 Bangkok floods,” says the ADB.
The report recommends that governments should promote climate
change-resilient cities—including building homes in safe areas, make
housing affordable for the poor and investing in drainage
infrastructure and weather forecast technology.
The speed of urbanization in Asia—a problem which seems certain to
confront Burma as investment flows into Rangoon and Mandalay—shows no
sign of slowing. Within the next 20 years another 110 million people
will be living in cities across the region at risk of flooding, raising
the total in danger to 410 million people.
“Asia has seen unprecedented urban population growth but this has been
accompanied by immense stress on the environment,” said the bank’s
Chief Economist Changyong Rhee. “The challenge now is to put in place
policies which will reverse that trend and facilitate the development
of green technology and green urbanization.”
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6 Responses to Environmental Crises Threaten Burma’s Economy
1. Moe Aung [33]August 21, 2012 - 10:39 pm
Burma after all these decades in limbo has the advantage of the
Irish joke “If I were you I wouldn’t start from here”.
Whether the govt will take it all on board the good advice, timely
warnings and cautionary tales or not is quite another matter.
Depends if the real agenda is making a quick buck or the long term
national interest. I wouldn’t hold my breath.
[34]Reply
2. Mualcin [35]August 22, 2012 - 12:42 am
When we can vote and elect the best candidates for President and
Vice President, we will have a secure and stable life in our
country. Today’s President and Vice Presidents are not the real
chosen leaders as the whole world knows it. Campaigns, debates and
screening were not done through public opinion in the last so
called election. USDP used State Funds, and dead or alive, they
were determined to hold power. Thein Sein is not the best/smartest
man Burma has today for President. He was sent to the Presidency by
Than Shwe. So, he will not be the President from 2015. Period. We
will have elected the right persons to lead our Union and we will
clean up the House. The truly elected Representatives will serve us
as we want them to serve us.
[36]Reply
3. Ohn [37]August 22, 2012 - 2:08 am
“Asia has seen unprecedented urban population growth but this has
been accompanied by immense stress on the environment,” said the
bank’s Chief Economist Changyong Rhee. “The challenge now is to put
in place policies which will reverse that trend and facilitate the
development of green technology and green urbanization.”
Human permanently stuck in a 5-year-old mentality cannot possibly
stop their desire to have flat, concrete pavements and
long-straight roads, as well as SUV’s, Karaoke, drink, drug and
brothels that go along with that. Only much later people will start
to try pathetically and unsuccessfully to reverse the trend when
there is nothing left to preserve. Current Thailand and Cambodia
are cases in points. But the Burmese drools every night for them.
Cars, buildings, Sky-trains, Karaoke bars, McDonald. For their
pathetic minds those are Nivana. Even monks preach as such. Oh-
foreign travels.
It is a shame as there is currently wonderful environment and
lovely social cohesiveness that can still be kept.
But no. those will be gone soon with the arrivals of the
multinationals and then people will start to look for then, in
vain.
[38]http://www.dictatorwatch.org/articles/monkeypaw.pdf
[39]Reply
4. Terry Evans [40]August 22, 2012 - 9:22 am
A healthy environment is essential for sustainable development.
This means that rapid economic growth must build in effective
environmental safeguards. Otherwise, economic gains may be
short-lived – being undermined by the loss of valuable ecosystem
services and costly ecological disasters.
[41]Reply
5. John Allan [42]August 22, 2012 - 1:40 pm
Last year’s flooding in Thailand was less a natural disaster, than
one manufactured by government mismanagement, compounded by
incompetence in dealing with the aftermath, and in mitigating the
effects.
[43]Reply
6. sophia [44]August 23, 2012 - 4:03 am
IF we want to see developing world . The first thing we need to do
is to figure out what is happening now.So what we are happening .
Surely , environment problem is the most that sabotage our
development plan . So why don’t we conserve our environment ? if we
don’t protect our nature environment Imagine ,we were sailing a
boat without preparing the hole . The sure thing is that the boat
will sink sooner or later. Have we noticed that the cost of
rehabilitation for nature disaster is more cost than urbanization .
It is vain lack of conservation the natural environment .we are
like foolish children who buy the luxury thing neglecting the
hungry parent.
[45]Reply
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BUSINESS
Burmese Govt Warns Public about Dodgy Investments
By [25]THA LUN ZAUNG HTET/ THE IRRAWADDY| October 18, 2012 |
4
[26]Print This Post
In the 2000 Hollywood movie, Boiler Room, Vin Diesel leads a team of
ambitious brokers who sell fictitious stocks and defraud all their
clients. (PHOTO: www.imdb.com)
Certain domestic companies with foreign ties have been advertising
themselves to the public as investment banks, however they do not have
licenses to operate and therefore their activities are illegal,
Burma’s Ministry of Finance and Revenue (MFR) has warned.
Dr. Maung Maung Thein, the MFR deputy minister, did not mention by name
the companies he was referring to, but said that they had been guilty
of advertising via the media and the Internet to act as investment
banks and had falsely claimed that they had government permission to
conduct financial affairs in Burma.
“A couple of companies with foreign connections have been advertising
in the media and stating that they have already obtained permits to
conduct investment banking [in Burma],” he said. “There have also been
reports that those companies have been sending out emails inviting the
public to invest through them.
“No foreign institution has yet been given license to operate inside
Burma. They are not even allowed to open offices in this country,” he
said.
According to the Myanmar Monetary Organizations Law, anyone involved in
financial activities without official permission shall be subject to a
50,000 kyat [US $60] fine, a five-year imprisonment or both.
The MFR deputy minister added that the general public must be wary of
monetary organizations such as the cooperative credit societies which
deceived people in the past and left behind many bitter memories.
“Some monetary and financial organizations can be very deceitful,” he
continued. “They promise substantial interest and dividends to those
who invest with them. Many people do. Then, the firms take all the
money and run away.”
Thet Htun Oo, the senior manager at Myanmar Securities Exchange Centre,
suggested that people should invest money or buy shares only after they
have made proper inquiries, and be especially vigilant as to the
background of the company they are dealing with.
According to Dr. Aung Ko Ko, a Burmese economist living inside Burma,
the government’s monetary policy and the Central Bank’s monitoring of
financial organizations are important for the economic development of
Burma and the stability of the currency.
Related Posts :
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Roundup (Saturday, Jan. 26)
* [28]Burmese Ex-Telecoms Minister Faces Graft Probe Burmese
Ex-Telecoms Minister Faces Graft Probe
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Project
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Burma Still an ‘Extreme Risk’ for Investors Despite Reforms
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2 Responses to Burmese Govt Warns Public about Dodgy Investments
1. Tharlikar [33]October 18, 2012 - 5:35 pm
This is lawless country hyped up to no end by the “Democracies” for
their own agenda with totally clueless “Mother and Father” of the
nation. People are simply preys for any carpet baggers and conmen
with no recourse for justice.
Guess what? This is just the beginning!
[34]Reply
2. [35]Joe 2 [36]November 14, 2012 - 7:40 am
Be careful to do business only with genuine relatives and cronies
of high ranking army personnel so that they may continue to control
the Burmese economy and purchase even property in Singapore, Hong
Kong and London. Oh, and Ferraris for their children to crash while
drunk.
[37]Reply
[38]Cancel Reply
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Editorial
Myanmar’s Fragile Democracy
Published: September 21, 2012
Now that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s revered opposition leader,
[34]has given the go-ahead, the United States should further ease
sanctions against that country, which is beginning to embrace
democracy. Sanctions are intended to encourage positive change and will
have value only if affected governments trust that the penalties will
be lifted as they make progress.
Related News
* [35]Myanmar’s Opposition Leader Urges End to Sanctions (September
19, 2012)
* [36]Myanmar Releases Hundreds of Prisoners (September 18, 2012)
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During [39]her visit to Washington this week — the first since she was
freed from 15 years of house arrest — Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi did not
specify what sanctions should be eased. But among the sanctions now in
place is a ban on virtually all Myanmar imports to the United States.
Myanmar’s democratic progress has been substantial. Since taking office
last year, President U Thein Sein has pushed aside officials who don’t
support reforms and allowed Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and her party to run
for Parliament. He has [40]freed hundreds of political prisoners and
begun to carry out economic and political reforms, including a new law
relaxing press censorship.
Still, there is reason to be on guard against backsliding toward
authoritarianism. Mr. Thein Sein and his national security council have
too much power, including authority to declare a state of emergency at
any time. There is a need for land reform, a professional military
under civilian control and an end to human rights abuses.
Mr. Thein Sein, who is scheduled to attend the United Nations General
Assembly next week, deserves recognition for what has been achieved
since 2011. For that, the Obama administration has already relaxed some
sanctions, allowing American companies to invest in many parts of the
Myanmar economy. On Wednesday, it removed him and another official from
a list of sanctioned individuals, thus allowing Americans to do
business with them and giving them access to once-blocked assets. The
administration should also consider supporting aid to Myanmar through
international institutions and lifting the import ban.
American and international businesses will have important roles to
play, too. When they invest in Myanmar, they could adopt stringent
rules against the use of forced labor and other human rights abuses, as
Amnesty International has recommended. Despite huge challenges,
Myanmar, in significant ways, is a model of effective collaboration on
the path to democracy — between Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi and Mr. Thein Sein
and, in the United States, between Republicans and Democrats. Through
the Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations, top officials and
lawmakers supported sanctions and Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, and, when they
saw an opening in 2011, agreed to engage with Myanmar on a step-by-step
basis. That’s worth noting in this era of dysfunctional politics.
A version of this editorial appeared in print on September 22, 2012, on page
A22 of the New York edition with the headline: Myanmar’s Fragile Democracy.
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5. [39]Burma Myanmar
US opens up investment in Burma
The United States on Wednesday gave the green light to companies to invest in
Burma including in oil and gas, in its broadest and most controversial easing
yet of sanctions on the former pariah.
The United States on Wednesday gave the green light to companies to
invest in Burma including in oil and gas, in its broadest and most
controversial easing yet of sanctions on the former pariah.
US President Barck Obama and Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu
Kyi Photo: AP
10:12AM BST 12 Jul 2012
Comments [40]Comments
Hours after the arrival in Burma of the first US ambassador in two
decades, President Barack Obama announced the latest gesture in
recognition of reforms in a nation dominated by the military since
1962.
"Today, the United States is easing restrictions to allow US companies
to responsibly do business in Burma," Obama said in a statement,
referring to Burma by its former name.
"President Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma
continue to make significant progress along the path to democracy, and
the government has continued to make important economic and political
reforms."
US companies have been pressing the Obama administration to end
restrictions on investment, fearing they will lose out to European and
Asian competitors that already enjoy access to the potentially
lucrative economy.
But Obama's move marks a rare divergence from Suu Kyi, Burma's Nobel
Peace Prize-winning opposition leader, who has warned foreign firms not
to form partnerships with the state-owned Burma Oil and Gas Enterprise,
or MOGE.
Related Articles
* [41]US eases Burma sanctions
11 Jul 2012
* [42]Suu Kyi gets first taste of public office
09 Jul 2012
* [43]Aung San Suu Kyi makes Burma parliament debut
09 Jul 2012
* [44]Burma's hardline vice-president steps down in further sign of
reform
04 Jul 2012
* [45]All in a word: Burma's rulers tell Suu Kyi not to call it Burma
29 Jun 2012
Suu Kyi, who spent years under house arrest but won a seat in
parliament since the reforms, said on a recent tour of Europe that MOGE
needed first to sign up to international standards such as the IMF code
on transparency.
Under the new rules, US companies will have the right to enter into
business with MOGE but must notify the State Department within 60 days.
All US companies that invest more than $500,000 in Burma will be
required to file reports to the State Department each year that show
their consideration for human rights, workers' rights and the
environment.
The administration's decision came under fire from human rights
activists, who until recently had largely supported the US engagement
with Burma.
Human Rights Watch said that the reporting requirements were not enough
and that the United States should have insisted on reforms in
governance and human rights before opening up investment.
"By allowing deals with Burma's state-owned oil company, the US looks
like it caved to industry pressure and undercut Aung San Suu Kyi and
others in Burma who are promoting government accountability," said
Arvind Ganesan, the group's director for business and human rights.
Aung Din, a former political prisoner who heads the US Campaign for
Burma pressure group, said that Obama was rewarding institutions behind
the serious human rights violations in a country torn by decades of
conflict.
"I am sure Obama will be appreciated by the Burmese generals, cronies
and US corporations, but not by the people of Burma," he said.
Obama voiced concern about the role of the military and said that the
United States would continue to ban investment in companies owned by
the defence ministry or armed groups.
"This order is a clear message to Burmese government and military
officials: those individuals who continue to engage in abusive,
corrupt, or destabilising behaviour going forward will not reap the
rewards of reform," he said.
Obama also issued sanctions on Burma's Directorate of Defense
Industries over its agreement in 2008 with North Korea on missile
development.
The relationship between Burma and North Korea has long been murky.
South Korean President Lee Myung-Bak said after a visit to Burma in May
that he won a promise to refrain from military co-operation with the
North.
Burma's parliament is considering a new investment law and a series of
other measures aimed at liberalising the economy, which was left in
tatters by decades of mismanagement, cronyism and isolation under the
junta.
Derek Mitchell, a veteran US policy-maker on Asia, arrived on Wednesday
as the first US ambassador to Burma since the then junta's violent
crackdown on pro-democracy protests in 1988.
Obama made the announcement as Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who
paid a historic visit to Burma in December, landed in Cambodia for
talks with Southeast Asian nations.
Two other senior US officials, Robert Hormats and Francisco Sanchez,
plan to hold talks this weekend in Burma on stepping up trade.
Source: AFP
[46]Burma Myanmar
* [47]News >>
* [48]World News >>
* [49]Asia >>
* [50]North America >>
* [51]USA >>
In Burma Myanmar
[52]New species found: walking catfish, Beelzebub bat and two-legged
lizard
[53]New species found
[54]Buried Spitfires to be excavated next year
[55]Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi talks to journalists
after meeting US President Barack Obama during a press conference at
her house in Rangoon
[56]Obama in Burma
[57]The Hairy Cornflake meets The Lady
[58]The Lady meets The Hairy Cornflake
[59]A Rakhine man holds homemade weapons as he walks in front of houses
that were burnt during fighting between Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim
Rohingya communities in Sittwe
[60]Tensions rise in Burma
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The Post’s View
The changing nation of Burma
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By [300]Editorial Board,
Sep 29, 2012 10:15 PM EDT
The Washington Post
WITH BURMA moving toward democracy, there’s no shortage of players
willing to take some credit.
[301]Sen. Jim Webb (D-Va.) said in a letter to The Post a couple of
months ago that “without the intense efforts initiated from my office,
including my groundbreaking visit to Burma in 2009, many of the
democratic advances in Burma (also known as Myanmar) would not have
taken place.”
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[307]Read more
Latest Editorials
[308]A charge of murder
[309]A charge of murder
Editorial Board
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Montgomery officials.
[310]Dangerous waters in the Pacific
[311]Dangerous waters in the Pacific
Editorial Board
Japan and China ratchet up a dispute over a group of islands.
[312]Fallen warriors
[313]Fallen warriors
Editorial Board
The military must do more to understand why its troops are committing
suicide.
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, speaking on Sept. 19 as
Burma’s democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi won the [314]Congressional
Gold Medal, recounted her formulation of “a new approach that the
United States might take to try to see if there were any ways to help
move a transition forward. . . . And slowly, change started.”
We suppose the more parents of this incomplete but encouraging reform
process, the better, if those parents feel invested in helping to keep
reform on track.
But before history gets totally rewritten, it’s worth making a couple
of points. One is that generals and ex-generals still run Burma, as
generals have been running Burma for the past half-century. The
stirrings of reform that have allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to travel and
that prompted the United States to lift pretty much the last of its
economic sanctions last week, are only that: stirrings. There is no
rule of law, no independent judiciary. Aung San Suu Kyi now sits in
parliament but as part of a small minority.
The second point is that, given the opacity of the regime, no outsider
can be sure what prompted it to reach out to the democratic opposition
at this moment. We would defer to Aung San Suu Kyi’s version of
history, which gives a big dollop of credit to the economic sanctions
that the United States and other nations imposed years ago.
“Sanctions have helped,” Aung San Suu Kyi said during a recent visit to
The Post. “Some people may disagree, but I believe sanctions have
helped, especially on the political front. . . . The very fact that
there’s a strong desire to have sanctions limited shows they were
effective.” Interestingly, Aung San Suu Kyi said that she did not
believe the sanctions affected Burma’s economy all that much; for the
nation’s poverty, she blamed “internal factors,” which she did not
name. But the isolation had a big political impact — worth recalling
the next time foreign policy experts say, as they did so often in
Burma’s case, that sanctions can never work, or can only work if they
are applied with 100 percent effectiveness, or will harm only the
nation’s poorest people.
It seems likely that China’s increasing assertiveness made Burma’s
leaders nervous, as it has made nervous the leaders of most East Asian
and Southeast Asian countries. Thanks to strict sanctions, Burma’s
leaders understood that, if they were to entice the West to play a
balancing role, they would have to improve their human rights record.
They may also have been motivated by a desire to improve the lot of
their people, as Aung San Suu Kyi charitably suggested (though we can’t
help noting that their people’s poverty hadn’t seemed to weigh on them
much in preceding years). And they may indeed have been encouraged by
the Obama administration’s engagement policy, which let them know that
risks for reform would be reciprocated.
More on this debate:
[315]The Post’s View: What Aung San Suu Kyi could teach President Obama
and Mitt Romney
[316]Fred Hiatt: Burma’s champion comes to Washington
[317]Jonathan Capehart: Lunch with Aung San Suu Kyi
[318]Fred Hiatt: Learning compromise from Chief Justice Roberts and
Aung San Suu Kyi
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Myanmar Set for Economic Takeoff With Right Policies
Harvesting rice in Myanmar. Planned land reform could provide an
opportunity to jump start development says the IMF (photo: Sam
Diephuis/Corbis)
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ECONOMIC HEALTH CHECK
Myanmar Set for Economic Takeoff With Right Policies
IMF Survey online
May 7, 2012
* Myanmar faces historic opportunity to jump-start economic
development
* Appropriate reforms could significantly accelerate growth, lift
living standards
* Top priority is to establish macroeconomic stability beginning with
exchange rate reform
Myanmar's new government faces an historic opportunity to jump-start
economic development, and lift living standards, says the IMF in its
annual assessment of the Southeast Asian economy, which the government
agreed to make public for the first time.
The IMF report acknowledges the progress that has already been made in
economic reforms over recent months, including steps to reform the
exchange rate. It says that with appropriate policies, including a
stable macroeconomic framework, the previously isolated country could
fulfill its considerable potential, and deliver inclusive and
sustainable growth.
"Myanmar could see strong growth if it pursues the necessary reforms to
take advantage of its rich natural resources, young labor force, and
proximity to some of the world's most dynamic economies, including
China and India," said Meral Karasulu, IMF mission chief for Myanmar.
Against the background of political and economic changes in the
country, growth in Myanmar is picking up modestly. In the last year,
GDP growth is estimated to have increased to 5.3 percent, and is
expected to rise to 5½ percent in FY 2011/12, and 6 percent the
following year.
Prioritizing reforms of the exchange rate regime
Myanmar has a complex exchange rate system with many restrictions that
give rise to multiple exchange rates. This system increases
transactions costs, discourages foreign direct investment and trade,
encourages informal activity, and has put appreciation pressure on
Myanmar's currency.
Last month, the authorities took the first step toward exchange rate
reform by adopting a managed floating regime.
With the help of the IMF, Myanmar plans to complete the process of
exchange rate unification, including removing all exchange restrictions
and eliminating multiple currency practices before their target date of
end-2013 when the Southeast Asian Games are due to be held in the
country.
Paced reforms
Myanmar's reform needs are wide-ranging and significant, and the IMF
suggests the reform agenda will need to be appropriately paced.
"Drastic, over-reaching reforms in many policy areas may not be
realistic, given the capacity constraints and the need to coordinate
across various institutions," said Karasulu.
The IMF economists believe that any rapid reforms on a large scale
could make any potential mistakes very costly. Although planned reforms
will take time to implement, prioritization is essential to deliver
tangible benefits to the majority of the population, they say.
The International Monetary Fund, alongside other international
financial institutions, is playing a large role in providing technical
assistance, and working to ensure the most efficient delivery of
assistance.
"With the recent reform momentum, there is clear evidence that the
Fund's advice is being actively sought and the IMF is already scaling
up technical assistance in line with the authorities priorities," said
Karasulu.
Walking down the reform path
"Unleashing Myanmar's high growth potential will require cross-cutting
reforms and substantial technical assistance," says the Article IV
report. Over the medium term, the IMF economists say the country needs
to remove obstacles to growth including by modernizing the financial
sector, fostering private sector growth by removing barriers to trade
and investment, improving business climate and boosting agricultural
productivity.
The authorities in Myanmar are taking tentative steps down the reform
path. Earlier this year, for the first time ever, the country's budget
was discussed in the new parliament. The IMF welcomed the move as an
opportunity to redefine fiscal priorities and focus on reducing
poverty, building human capital, and developing infrastructure.
Modernizing agriculture and the industrial sector
This reprioritization would help Myanmar narrow its large gap with
other peers in social outcomes.
Myanmar's economic growth is narrowly-based, and the economy largely
depends on energy and agriculture.
Agricultural development is suppressed by poor access to credit, lack
of private land ownership, and inadequate infrastructure and inputs.
Lifting agricultural productivity will be essential for rural
development and inclusive growth. The IMF believes that the planned
land reform could provide an opportunity to jump start this process of
development.
Industrialization is one of the priorities in the authorities' new
national economic plan. Up till now, despite its low wage advantage,
the manufacturing sector has been stifled by poor infrastructure and
know-how, low investment, and extensive administrative controls
limiting private sector development.
Supporting the private sector
Cross-cutting reforms would be needed to support private sector
development. A key priority is to reduce the cost of doing business and
policy ambiguity by improving transparency, and improving
infrastructure, says the IMF.
The financial sector has a large role to play in facilitating economic
development, say IMF economists. Currently, Myanmar's financial sector
is small and repressed, with controls on financial intermediation.
Modernization of the sector is essential to provide needed capital for
development, and prepare the sector for membership of the ASEAN
Economic Community.
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* Myanmar Will Be Middle Income Nation If Reforms Stay on Track -
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Myanmar Will Be Middle Income Nation If Reforms Stay on Track - Report
Date
20 August 2012
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[158]Myanmar
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[160]Economics; [161]Energy; [162]Finance; [163]Transport and ICT
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BANGKOK, THAILAND – Myanmar could follow Asia’s fast growing economies
and expand at 7% to 8% a year, become a middle income nation, and
triple per capita income by 2030 if it can surmount substantial
development challenges by further implementing across-the-board
reforms, a new Asian Development Bank (ADB) study says.
[167][7800402334_c9ea60cffc_m.jpg]
[168]Watch ADB Vice President Stephen Groff talk about Myanmar's
prospects.
“Myanmar’s strategic location, rich natural resources and abundant
labor force leave it perfectly positioned to prosper from Asia’s
dynamic economic growth,” said Stephen Groff, ADB’s Vice President for
East Asia, Southeast Asia and the Pacific. “Myanmar could be Asia’s
next rising star, but for this to happen there needs to be a firm and
lasting commitment to reform.”
The report, [169]Myanmar in Transition: Opportunities and Challenges,
is ADB’s first major assessment of the country since it began political
and economic reforms in 2011. It notes that there is much work to be
done: only a quarter of people in Myanmar have access to electricity
and only one in five of the country’s roads are paved to all-weather
standard. The report says concerted efforts are needed to increase
transparency and enhance public services.
Growth will depend on the country maintaining macroeconomic stability –
including measures for low (under 6%) inflation and sustainable
budgets, encouraging domestic savings, and investing in human capital
and infrastructure. However, the report warns that the country may also
face risks associated with economic liberalization if the process is
not managed prudently. Vulnerability to climate change and
environmental degradation, as well as ongoing tension from internal
conflicts could also derail the country’s future growth.
To strengthen social cohesion and cut poverty rates, greater
investments are needed in education, health and social services.
Although more than half of Myanmar’s people rely on agriculture for a
living, less than 20% of the country’s crop land is irrigated. The
report notes that investment in irrigation and other inputs could
dramatically expand crop yields and boost incomes.
Myanmar’s location between the People’s Republic of China, India, and
other South and Southeast Asian nations leaves it poised to benefit
from rising regional trade, tourism and investment, and growing demand
for energy and natural resources from its wealthier neighbors.
To fully realize Myanmar’s potential, the report suggests the country
must focus on strengthening connectivity — via infrastructure in
transport, power and telecommunications services, as well as
modernizing its financial sector. Its economic base must also broaden
beyond agriculture to the manufacturing and service sectors to meet a
growing demand for jobs.
ADB recently established an office in Yangon, and is currently studying
the possibility of resuming operations in Myanmar, which were halted in
1988.
[170]About ADB
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[172]Fast Facts: Myanmar in Transition
Translations
[173]ภาษาไทย
Photo Gallery
Students attend classes in a makeshift classroom in Hnarkaung Chaung
primary school in Hnarkaung Chaung town in the Irrawady delta region.
(Photo credit: VJ Villafranca)
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[174]Myanmar in Transition: Opportunities and Challenges
[175]Myanmar and ADB
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[176]Video: ADB's "Myanmar in Transition" Report Offers Fresh, In-Depth
Analysis on Myanmar's Growth Potential
[177]Podcast: Investment in Education and Human Development, Economic
Reform and Foreign Direct Investment Key to Myanmar's Future Growth
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An Opportunity in Myanmar
As a country endowed with valuable resources, Myanmar is ripe for social and
economic innovation.
By [13]Gabriele Koehler | [14]International Development Economics
Associates (IDEAs) | January 9, 2012
[id=Picture]
CREDIT: [15]Jolie ([16]CC).
After decades of isolation imposed by major OECD countries out of
concern over human rights violations, Myanmar has emerged as a new
darling of the West. There has been an accelerating succession of
visits by senior officials including the U.S. Secretary of State, the
UK Foreign Secretary, and high-level government officials from France,
Norway, and other countries. The UN Secretary-General may pay a visit,
and the World Bank is being urged to resume work there, which had not
been possible due to the international sanctions policy. New groups of
investors are waiting to enter the country as soon as possible.
This sudden enthusiasm, after years of ostracizing the country and
depriving it of development cooperation beyond humanitarian relief, is
a much welcome response to changes introduced by the government that
came into power in 2011 in an orchestrated election process. Recent
reforms include the release of some political prisoners, the
reconstitution of the Myanmar human rights commission, the weakening of
censorship and an opening of internet access, the adoption of a law
allowing trade unions and the right to strike, the suspension of an
environmentally damaging hydropower project with China, and other
steps.
The dissident leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who until 2010 had been under
house arrest almost continuously since being denied election victory in
1990 and who accordingly refused any interaction with the oppressive
government, has adapted her political stance since mid-2011, meeting
with President Thein Sein first quietly and then publicly. In November
she announced that her party would be willing to stand in the 2012
by-elections.
One hopes that the about-face of Western powers is a genuine commitment
to supporting peace and democratic reforms. But one fears that in
reality the change of position is driven as much by the awareness that
China, Thailand, Singapore, and India have been benefiting from the
abundant natural resources of Myanmar--natural gas, hydropower
potential, gemstones, real estate for industrial production zones or
tourism, and the country's geostrategic position with access to the
Indian Ocean--while businesses in the United States and Europe were
missing out on very lucrative deals and investment opportunities.
Political and economic reforms are intermeshed, and past decades have
shown time and again that the important movement to ensure civil
liberties, democracy, and human rights is very often confused and
conflated with measures to introduce neoliberal capitalism and prize
open a country for the economic interests of individual and
multinational investors.
Such was the case in Eastern and Central Europe after the collapse of
the Soviet Union: 20 years later, the populations in most of those
countries are still reeling from the adverse effects of
privatization--which benefited insiders and created new
oligopolies--and of deregulation--which dismantled core public services
in health, education, and infrastructure; canceled crucial social
transfers such as pension commitments; and in general hollowed out and
destroyed government functions that were vital to the delivery or
regulation of public goods and to efficient and transparent public
administration.
These measures were sold to the then-emerging democracies as the only
available remedy to address statist oppression, corruption, cronyism,
and inefficiency--instead of reforming the state, introducing
accountability, and preserving and enhancing public goods and services.
There is a risk that Myanmar will be exposed to the same set of
nefarious policy ideas, especially now that many of the welfare states
in Europe have themselves embarked on a brutal course of fiscal
austerity with massive public sector cutbacks and a freezing of wages
and social transfers.
Yet as a country endowed with valuable resources, Myanmar has the means
to use its policy space to innovate. As leading Burmese economist U
Myint, head of the country's new economic advisory board, has put it:
Myanmar is a rich country with poor people. It has the fiscal resources
to upgrade socioeconomic policy and macroeconomic policy around
objectives of social justice and economic development. It could
introduce proactive labor policies to create decent work in the public
sector; to build infrastructure in the rural areas and upgrade public
transport; to finance and lead extension and innovation in the rural
economy; and to create centers of research and development excellence.
All of these areas have been seriously neglected for decades--displaced
by investment in the military, oppressive wars against ethnic
minorities, the police state apparatus, and most recently industrial
parks which concentrate resources rather than spread employment and
technology across the country.
Myanmar could consider an enlightened form of government-led
"industrial strategy," building on some of the East and South Asian
policy paths, defining and costing out its economic development
options. Such an approach would, for example, selectively promote
sectors and areas for domestic and international entrepreneurship and
investment while demanding that they ensure employment, decent work,
learning, and innovation transfers.
The recent introduction of labor standards would fit in constructively
with such a strategy, if the population, now subsisting on one of the
lowest per capita incomes in Southeast Asia, could benefit from decent
employment and work conditions, and enjoy wages and salaries
commensurate with the country's overall economic wealth.
Myanmar also has the means, if it so decides, to universalize social
protection. This is necessary from a social justice point of
view--currently, only 1 percent of the population is covered by social
security. Social security benefits for the government sector have
recently been increased, and a few groups receive poverty- or
emergency-related income transfers, but there is no systematic health
insurance or income poverty response.
One interesting idea that is currently capturing the imagination of
global development policy discourse is the UN's [17]social protection
floors initiative, which is a concept that proposes a guaranteed basic
income plus guaranteed access to high-quality, inclusive social
services. Myanmar could explore a "floor" specific to its citizens'
interests.
The combination of a decent work and social protection agenda with an
industrial strategy could help address Myanmar's dire poverty, income
inequality, and stark urban-rural disparities. It may also address the
pervasive and violent forms of ethnic social exclusion in the country's
mountainous regions, and the lucrative but pernicious narcotics trade.
Taken together these three agendas could be a tool for social
inclusion, facilitating environmentally sustainable production.
In short: Myanmar has the opportunity to create a democratic
developmental welfare state, with its citizens emerging from poverty
and political oppression, thereby inspiring many other countries.
Read More: [18]Business, [19]Communication, [20]Democracy,
[21]Development, [22]Diplomacy, [23]Economy, [24]Governance, [25]Human
Rights, [26]Jobs, [27]Trade, [28]Burma, [29]Asia
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* Myanmar's Economic Outlook Improving but Broad Reforms Still Needed
[157]Print
Myanmar's Economic Outlook Improving but Broad Reforms Still Needed
Date
11 April 2012
Countries
[158]Myanmar
Subjects
[159]ADB administration and governance; [160]Economics
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MANILA, PHILIPPINES – Myanmar is poised for a period of rising
economic growth, but the country needs to embark on a comprehensive
program of reforms to realize its potential and reduce widespread
poverty, according to a forecast of the country’s growth, contained in
a new report from the Asian Development Bank (ADB).
The [164]Asian Development Outlook 2012 (ADO 2012) projects 6% GDP
growth for Myanmar in FY2012, up from an estimated 5.5% in FY2011.
Myanmar’s economic prospects are bolstered by recent policy reforms and
projected increases in gas exports.
“Myanmar is making a lot of the right moves to revitalize its economy,
laying a foundation for further foreign investment and commodity
exports with currency changes, land reforms and tax incentives,” said
Craig Steffensen, ADB’s Thailand Country Director. “For Myanmar to
ensure growth is sustainable and benefits all of the country’s people,
the government will have to accelerate reforms and enhance investment
in education, health and infrastructure.”
Myanmar is one of the poorest countries in the world, with one in four
of the country’s 60 million people living in poverty. Three out of four
people have no access to electricity.
ADO 2012 says that reforms needed to stimulate growth and significantly
reduce poverty include strengthening public institutions, expanding
access to finance, and better workforce skills training. A simpler and
broader tax structure with greater emphasis on direct taxation would
bolster government revenue and be fairer to the poor.
More areas of the economy should be opened to the private sector, the
report notes, along with improved regulations, laws and policies for
businesses. Closer linkages with neighbors would better enable
Myanmar’s businesses to participate in regional markets, as well as
global production chains.
The report notes that the move to a managed float of the kyat, which
took effect 1 April 2012, is a promising reform towards exchange rate
unification and transparency. This measure will expose inefficiencies
in state enterprises that dominate parts of the economy, however,
necessitating further reforms including transparent subsidies and
possible privatization.
International tourist arrivals rose by 26% in FY2011, partially in
response to political and economic reforms. Gas exports increased by
nearly 15% to an estimated $3 billion. The report notes that a possible
easing of economic sanctions could lead to even higher levels of trade
and investment.
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[171]Video: Confronting Asia's Rising Inequality
[172]Podcast: Asian Development Outlook Report: There's Rising
Inequality in Asia
Related News
[173]Developing Asia Growth Subdued but Steady - ADB Report
[174]PRC Growth to Remain Robust as Economy Diversifies - ADB Report
[175]India's Economy to Pick Up in 2012 but Policy Obstacles Drag on
Growth
[176]Philippine Economy to Rebound to 4.8% in 2012 - ADB Report
[177]Asia's Increasing Rich-Poor Divide Undermining Growth, Stability -
ADB Report
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Could Burma be the next emerging market miracle?
By Lucy Hooker Business reporter, BBC World Service, Rangoon
elderly woman wades through paddy field Not just green shoots, Burma's
economy is set to bloom
[44]Continue reading the main story
[45]Burma's Transition
* [46]Perils of embracing Burma
* [47]Displaced and divided in Rakhine
* [48]Ex-general rides wave of change
* [49]Slow progress on ethnic conflicts
In Rangoon's hotel lobbies anticipation is high. Brash Australian
miners rub shoulders with hard-nosed American private equity investors.
Indonesian infrastructure specialists and Japanese salesmen scout out
the terrain.
Everyone here is eager to be first out of the starting blocks as the
economy of Burma, a previously isolated country, opens up for business.
The opportunities abound, in raw materials such as gems, timber, rubber
and gas, but also in catering for a population of 55 million in need of
everything from healthcare to smartphones.
"I think this is the last virgin market left in the world, the last
untapped market," says Vinod Chugani, an American-educated Singaporean.
"Twelve years ago, when I was in China, I felt the same rush."
Malaysian businessmen raise hands at business conference in Rangoon
Hands up who's ready to do business in Burma
Vinod Chugani is here to sell Panasonic's range of multi-line phones,
rice cookers and projectors.
"There is a massive race going on. It's intense," he says.
"This is one of last frontiers, along with North Korea and to some
extent Iran," says Romain Caillaud, who heads the Rangoon office of
Vriens and Partners, advising multinationals entering Burma.
Burma also sits at a key geographic junction.
"Just look at the map and you'll see the location is strategic, at the
crossroad between India, China, Thailand, in the middle of one of the
fastest growing regions in the world," he says.
Piles of cash
After 50 years the generals who governed Burma have stepped back and
handed power to a nominally civilian government.
They have also begun the first tentative steps in reforming the
economy.
And they have been rewarded with the suspension of sanctions by the
West.
But 50 years of isolation from the global economy has taken its toll,
above all on the financial system.
bank workers put piles of cash through mechanical counting machines
inside Yoma Bank Banking cash in Rangoon is a big job
At the main Rangoon branch of Yoma bank, customers wander in with
plastic bags full of bank notes.
Their voices are barely audible above the whirring and clicking of
mechanical counting machines, lined up like washing machines in a
launderette.
A dozen staff work their way through the stacks piled high on the
tables.
American financial sanctions and a home-grown banking crisis have
undermined Burma's banking system, so that now most people simply keep
their money in cash.
If you want to buy a car you go to the showroom with a box full of
notes. If you want to buy a house you drive over a car full of money.
There are a handful of cash machines now in Rangoon, but none that work
for foreigners. Credit cards can be used, for a stiff fee, only at a
few top-range hotels.
All this may soon change, with the lifting of American financial
sanctions.
But the rudimentary banking system is not the only obstacle to doing
business.
Capacity
The word on everybody's lips is "capacity". The biggest concern is that
Burma lacks the human resources to cope with this tidal wave of change,
at every level from the government administration to secretarial staff.
Young Burmese nuns crossing a road It could take another generation for
Burma to be ready for this change
Peter Thein founded Myanmar Yellow Pages 20 years ago and now also runs
a fast-growing market research company.
He says newcomers can get a shock on arrival due to the high price of
property and the lack of qualified staff.
"Most of the people with any brains have left," he says.
Hence, although he has 10,000 potential employees on his recruitment
database, he says only 10-15% of them are employable.
"One of the most difficult things is to try to get my staff to think,"
he says.
"There's no initiative because the education system has never taught
the meaning of thinking."
On top of all that, there is the lack of clarity over the rule of law,
an intermittent electricity supply, crumbling infrastructure and what
Mr Thein calls the practice of paying "tea money" - small bribes to
expedite the cumbersome bureaucracy.
An Asian tiger?
So, can Burma grasp the opportunity now unfolding?
Burma's domestic industry - hampered, but also sheltered, by the years
of isolation - now faces the chill wind of competition.
At Myint Soe's garment factory on the outskirts of Rangoon, rows of
women hunch over sewing machines and irons under neon lights, pressing,
folding, hemming, in stifling heat.
women at sewing machines in garment factory Garment workers eye a
better future without sanctions
This factory used to supply Kmart and Walmart in the United States.
After sanctions were imposed two-thirds of the workforce were laid off.
"I think we can restore our contracts which we lost after the
sanctions," says an upbeat Myint Soe.
"Foreign investors will bring markets with them and technology."
Clearly, Burma will have to compete primarily on the price of labour.
"We compare with Bangladesh but are lower than Cambodia wages, so we
can compete," says Myint Soe.
International business entrepreneur Serge Pun owns property
developments across Asia as well as his Burmese investments from
banking to golf courses. He is also convinced Burma's future is bright.
"I have no doubt that Myanmar will be a new tiger," he says.
"Burmese people are very entrepreneurial."
But in answer to the question of how long it take Burma to catch up,
Romain Caillaud says: "A very long time.
"Maybe in 20 years it will be at the level of Vietnam today in terms of
infrastructure, telecommunications, financial services.
"Companies that come shouldn't expect to make money quickly."
More on This Story
[50]Burma's Transition
* [51]A woman folding flags of the US at a shop in Rangoon, 16
November 2012 Perils of embracing Burma
The BBC's Jonathan Head examines the reasons behind US President
Barack Obama's trip to Burma, a first by a sitting American
president.
______________________________________________________________
* [52]Displaced and divided in Rakhine
* [53]Ex-general rides wave of change
* [54]Slow progress on ethnic conflicts
Background
* [55]Profile: Thein Sein
* [56]Profile: Aung San Suu Kyi
* [57]Timeline: Reforms in Burma
* [58]Burma profile
Watch/Listen
* [59]Suu Kyi makes landmark broadcast Watch
* [60]What now for Burma's '88 Generation? Watch
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* [73]Mark Carney Banks face 'decisive' two years
The incoming governor of the Bank of England says the next two
years will be "decisive" for bank reform and warns central banks
alone cannot eliminate economic risks.
* [74]Apple loses most valuable crown
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* [81]One million pound bank note Big money
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* [83]Sheikh Hamad Al Thani speaks at the UN General Assembly (25
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Références
Liens visibles
1. http://www.bbc.co.uk/a-z/
2. http://www.bbc.co.uk/help/
3. http://www.bbc.co.uk/terms/
4. http://www.bbc.co.uk/
5. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/97.html#main-content
6. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/97.html#blq-local-nav
7. http://www.bbc.co.uk/accessibility/
8. http://www.bbc.com/news/
9. http://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/
10. http://www.bbc.co.uk/weather/
11. http://www.bbc.com/travel/
12. http://www.bbc.com/future/
13. http://www.bbc.com/autos/
14. http://www.bbc.co.uk/tv/
15. http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio/
16. http://www.bbc.co.uk/a-z/
17. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/
18. file://localhost/news/
19. file://localhost/news/uk/
20. file://localhost/news/world/africa/
21. file://localhost/news/world/asia/
22. file://localhost/news/world/europe/
23. file://localhost/news/world/latin_america/
24. file://localhost/news/world/middle_east/
25. file://localhost/news/world/us_and_canada/
26. file://localhost/news/business/
27. file://localhost/news/health/
28. file://localhost/news/science_and_environment/
29. file://localhost/news/technology/
30. file://localhost/news/entertainment_and_arts/
31. file://localhost/news/10462520
32. file://localhost/news/business/asia_business/
33. file://localhost/news/business/market_data/
34. file://localhost/news/business/economy/
35. file://localhost/news/business/companies/
36. http://del.icio.us/post?url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&title=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
37. http://digg.com/submit?url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&title=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
38. http://www.facebook.com/sharer.php?u=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&t=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
39. http://reddit.com/submit?url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&title=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
40. http://www.stumbleupon.com/submit?url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&title=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
41. http://twitter.com/home?status=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F+http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085
42. http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/pagetools/email/www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085
43. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/97.html?print=true
44. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/97.html#story_continues_1
45. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-11669604
46. file://localhost/news/world-asia-20354355
47. file://localhost/news/world-asia-20264279
48. file://localhost/news/world-asia-19739376
49. file://localhost/news/world-asia-pacific-18189153
50. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-11669604
51. file://localhost/news/world-asia-20354355
52. file://localhost/news/world-asia-20264279
53. file://localhost/news/world-asia-19739376
54. file://localhost/news/world-asia-pacific-18189153
55. file://localhost/news/world-asia-pacific-12358204
56. file://localhost/news/world-asia-pacific-11685977
57. file://localhost/news/world-asia-16546688
58. file://localhost/news/world-asia-pacific-12990563
59. file://localhost/news/world-asia-17375270
60. file://localhost/news/world-asia-17216457
61. http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p002vsxs
62. http://www.bbc.co.uk/burmese/
63. http://del.icio.us/post?url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&title=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
64. http://digg.com/submit?url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&title=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
65. http://www.facebook.com/sharer.php?u=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&t=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
66. http://reddit.com/submit?url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&title=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
67. http://www.stumbleupon.com/submit?url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085&title=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F
68. http://twitter.com/home?status=BBC+News+-+Could+Burma+be+the+next+emerging+market+miracle%3F+http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085
69. http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/pagetools/email/www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18284085
70. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/97.html?print=true
71. file://localhost/news/business/
72. http://feeds.bbci.co.uk/news/business/rss.xml
73. file://localhost/news/business-21211789
74. file://localhost/news/business-21205692
75. file://localhost/news/business-21197594
76. file://localhost/news/world-middle-east-21211984
77. file://localhost/news/world-africa-21210496
78. file://localhost/sport/0/tennis/21211185
79. file://localhost/news/world-europe-21210495
80. file://localhost/news/world-us-canada-21213793
81. file://localhost/news/magazine-21145103
82. file://localhost/news/magazine-21201680
83. file://localhost/news/world-middle-east-21202067
84. file://localhost/news/world-asia-21192651
85. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/97.html
86. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-21200051
87. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/science-environment-21176914
88. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-21145103
89. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-21208674
90. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-21151350
91. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/97.html
92. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-21145103
93. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-21200051
94. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-21210496
95. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-21201680
96. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-21210495
97. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-21213793
98. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-21211984
99. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-21173196
100. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-21208674
101. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/entertainment-arts-21214040
102. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/97.html
103. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-wiltshire-21199500
104. http://www.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7460005.stm
105. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/science-environment-21176914
106. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-21211616
107. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-21168061
108. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-21196455
109. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-21213672
110. http://www.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/click_online/9787525.stm
111. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-21198481
112. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-21156968
113. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-21173196
114. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/click_online/9787525.stm
115. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10628994
116. file://localhost/news/help-17655000
117. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10628494
118. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10628323
119. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/help/16617948
120. http://www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/theeditors/
121. http://www.bbc.co.uk/journalism/
122. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10621655
123. http://www.bbc.co.uk/mediaaction/
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[45]Home » [46]opinion » Opportunities for growth as Myanmar opens
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Opportunities for growth as Myanmar opens
Nophakhun Limsamarnphun
nophakhun@nationgroup.com April 21, 2012 1:00 am
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Myanmar's April 1 parliamentary by-elections have proved to be fruitful as
far as the country's re-joining the rest of the world is concerned.
The latest positive reaction came from European Union, which has
indicated it will suspend all sanctions against Myanmar for one year.
The EU measure is seen as a carrot for the regime in Myanmar, which for
the first time in decades decided to by-elections and release a large
number of political prisoners.
The opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu
Kyi, won most of the constituencies in the by-elections, paving the way
for her party to enter Parliament, which has over 600 seats, most of
which are still controlled by the military under the leadership of
pro-reform President Thein Sein.
The EU's suspension of sanctions is conditional upon the sustainability
of reforms promised by the regime, and there will be a review after six
months. Yet, the move will allow all economic and related activities
between the EU and Myanmar, except arms sales, to resume, meaning that
around 800 European firms will be able to return to do business with
Myanmar. This will be a potential bonanza for many European firms hit
hard by the recent euro-zone debt crisis.
Suu Kyi herself has endorsed the conditional suspension of sanctions.
Besides the EU, the US also has removed some financial restrictions on
Myanmar, and Americans are now free to make financial transactions in
the country for projects that "meet basic human needs" or promote
democracy.
Last year's visit by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton marked the
start of Myanmar's reforms, with the April by-elections being the first
major event. The next milestone will be Myanmar's hosting of the
Southeast Asian Games in 2013. Afterwards, the country will chair the
10-member Asean grouping in 2014.
The following year, Myanmar will join the Asean Economic Community
(AEC) as one of four new members, including Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam.
In 2015, reforms will be in an advanced stage as Myanmar plans to hold
its first-ever open general election in decades.
For Thailand, the opening of Myanmar can be seen as a great opportunity
to re-balance the Thai economy, as Myanmar can be a major source of
cheaper labour, raw materials and natural resources as well as a major
market with its population of over 60 million.
Some of Thailand's labour-intensive manufacturing industries will be
more competitive once they relocate to the neighbouring country, while
Thai firms will have convenient access to a large market which is
expected to grow rapidly in the coming years. In other words, Myanmar
has the potential to be the next major Asian economy.
As members of the AEC, both Thailand and Myanmar, along with Vietnam,
Cambodia and Laos, can form a competitive mainland network of the AEC
single market and production platform. This is evidenced by the
emerging east-west and north-south economic corridors.
From east to west, the Dawei deep-sea port and industrial development
zone on the Thai-Burmese border serves as one of the key links that
will allow businesses and industries to tap the economic potential of
India, Burma, Thailand, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia.
From north to south, economic integration starts from southern China
down to Singapore, encompassing Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Laos,
Cambodia and Malaysia. China's proposed high-speed railway project,
criss-crossing most of the Indochinese countries, is among the major
mega-infrastructure links.
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NewsRegions[61]AsiaBurma’s Reform: an Opportunity or a Threat?
Saturday, 26 January 2013
Burma’s Reform: an Opportunity or a Threat?
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Written by Iqbal Ahmed, Guest Contributor | 26 April 2012
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Burma - Suzan Black Luminaries smelled blood. Hillary Clinton, Kevin
Rudd, and David Cameron came and went, openly advocating for continued
democratic reform. All met with Ms. Aung Sun Suu Kyi.
In the aftermath of grandiose state visits from such luminaries to
Burma ([66]officially known as Myanmar), Aung Sun Suu Kyi and military
leaders face a long and difficult task to bring about political,
social, and economic reforms in a country that has remained under a
brutal military junta and isolated from most of the world since 1960.
In politics, relationships matter less. Interest matters most. U.S.
Senator Mitch McConnell, a high-ranking Republican, recently expressed
his glowing enthusiasm and hopes for the reform in Burma. He thought
Burma is on the path to achieve something that once seemed impossible.
Ironically, Sen. McConnell is also the “architect” of the economic
sanctions against Burma.
The U.S. and Western interest in Burma is palpable in light of Burma’s
strategic geographic location, its ties with China, and its natural
resources. The integrity of this interest must be tested against what
is really at skate for Burma.
Opportunities
The path to reform is an opportunity for Burma and its citizens to
restore human rights and democratic values, to open trades, and to
transition into a civil government. Democratic reform ought to take
place in the context of Burma’s own social, economic, and political
conditions. But effective reform depends on various factors.
First, the people’s voice must be empowered over the military rulers.
Years of military dictatorship has separated Burmese people from its
rulers. Ms. Aung Sun Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) won
43 out of 45 electoral seats in March, and she will have a seat in the
parliament. Though the army still controls 80 percent of the seats, the
mere presence of Ms. Aung Sun Suu Kyi in the parliament will change the
dynamics of the political scene. Most importantly, she will represent
the people of Burma.
Second, seek trusting support from the military leaders who believe in
reform. The power and influence of the military cannot be ignored nor
can it be removed hastily from national power. Thein Sien and Thein
Htay, both from the military, have committed to building
infrastructure, tackling corruption, ending human rights issues, and
[67]other development issues. Burma cannot afford to lose this momentum
of commitment and support from the military.
Third, extend and establish trade with the foreign partners. Burma is
rich in natural resources. Despite prolonged sanctions from the West,
Burmese military rulers continued to trade with China, India, and ASEAN
nations. The economic sanctions did not have the same effect as it did
against North Korea. The point is sanctions do not always prevent the
ruling party from gaining economic means. Given Burma’s abundance in
natural resources and a competitive labor market, the reformers must
seek bilateral trade and promote foreign investments in Burma to create
growth.
Fourth, Ms. Aung Sun Suu Kyi must be recognized as a legitimate leader.
She is a true symbol of and the power behind Burma’s democratic reform,
and military generals must work with her to ensure she remains that
way. If reforms unfold, she is in a position to be elected the leader
of the country, where her fame, persona, popularity, and leadership can
propel Burma into a stable democratic state.
However, for Ms. Aung Sun Suu Kyi and the Burmese military generals,
the reform may come at a price – dealing with foreign interests. Burma
is strategically important to the U.S. and the West, but it does not
have the economic strength to revive its post-reform economy alone.
Burmese reformers cannot give in too much nor can they afford to be too
rigid. So, Burma faces external and internal threats to its democratic
reform.
Threats - Inside and Out
Burma’s relationship at the nexus between the U.S. and China is a
political concern. During the 1950s and 1960s, the U.S. used Burma as a
political battleground to deter China from [68]expanding its influence,
but times have now changed - China, then, did not own U.S. debts. The
U.S. and its Western allies must reconsider their views towards the
Burma-China relationship. The Burmese reformers and their Western
counterparts must push for a renewed diplomatic and trade relations
between China and Burma.
Internally, Burmese military generals are powerful, wily, and [69]well
trained, some even by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). However,
the transformation of power within military is slow but visible.
According to [70]a report by Bangkok Post, 54-year-old Min Aung Hlaing,
who is “part of a younger generation of Burma generals," has presumably
taken over the army. This is a welcoming sign for democratic reform. A
hasty move to oust military from power would be counterproductive.
Burma’s strategic importance is crucial to Western diplomacy. It must
use it wisely and effectively to build social, political, and economic
infrastructure to spur growth, reduce unemployment, and extend
democratic rights to its citizens. Luminaries may soon return for a
revisit to a new Burma.
Iqbal Ahmed is a public policy graduate from George Mason University in
Arlington, VA, where he currently resides. He has written for the
Diplomatic Courier, Centre for Research on Globalization, New
Geography, Eurasia Review, Foreign Policy Journal, International Policy
Digest, Global Politician, and NPR’s “This I Believe.”
Photo by Suzan Black.
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A window of opportunity in Burma
Posted by [40]Sam Hatfield on Thursday, May 10, 2012 · [41]Leave a
Comment
Times are changing in Burma. Once it was risky to even say her name,
now you can buy an Aung Sun Suu Kyi [42]t-shirt on the streets of
Yangon. Suu Kyi has long been a symbol of hope for Burmese people;
[43]David Cameron described her as a “shining example for people who
yearn for freedom, for democracy, for progress” in his recent visit to
the country. The [44]landslide victory for Suu Kyi’s National League
for Democracy (NLD) party in April’s by-election has certainly given
Burmese people real hope. Whilst parliament remains dominated by the
ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and its allies,
the prospect of open political debate is for the first time in decades
starting to look realistic.
There is talk of a palpable yet tentative sense that [45]political
change is afoot. The end of 2010 marked [46]Burma’s first election in
20 years and the long-entrenched military junta began to transfer its
powers to a civilian government. Critics described the move as a proxy
for continued military rule and say the vote was neither free nor fair.
Yet perhaps to the surprise of many, the government has enacted a
[47]wave of reforms, freed some [48]political prisoners, opened up a
[49]direct dialogue with the NLD party, and has halted the construction
of the widely [50]criticised Myitsone Dam – suggesting that they might
finally be more willing to listen to both Burmese and international
opinion.
Whilst momentum for political change slowly builds, the Burmese economy
is roaring to life:
“Myanmar’s new government faces a historic opportunity to jump-start
development and lift living standards. Myanmar could become the next
economic frontier in Asia if, with appropriate reforms, it can turn its
rich natural resources, young labor force, and proximity to some of the
most dynamic economies, to its advantage.”
This was the resounding conclusion of the [51]IMF’s May 2012 report.
Strong medium term growth is predicated on a substantial increase in
natural gas export revenues in the coming 5 years with the expected
completion of Shwe and Zawtika offshore gas projects.
The IMF’s figures put into perspective the growing importance of
natural resource revenues to the economy of Burma. Although there are
uncertainties over the extent that informal payments have funded the
government in the past, natural gas exports are expected to contribute
between 17%-20% to government revenues over the next five years. This
year natural gas exports alone will officially contribute $2 billion to
government revenue, and this figure will grow up towards $3 billion per
year by 2018. By the standards of the world’s oil and gas big hitters
an extra $2 billion is a mere blip on the accounts. But for a low
income country with a government revenue of only $5.5 billion last year
– it really is a significant amount. Add onto that the revenues due to
come in from oil (expected to be [52]pumped at up to 240,000 bpd by
CNPC), [53]gold, [54]copper, [55]nickel, [56]forestry activities and
the Burmese economy will become increasingly reliant on natural
resources. [By the way, no prizes for spotting the theme in the 5 links
above]
The most important factor here is that the extractive industries are
becoming ever more crucial to the political economy of change in Burma.
Military cronies have for decades benefitted from the informal flows of
money from natural resources. As a whole range of Wikileaks cables
reveal, the USDP has always had a [57]firm grip on the extractive
industries. Not only do they make profits on exports, but
they [58]benefit from payments by the international companies exploring
and extracting their natural resources. Whether it’s a $7.5 million
compulsory signatory bonus, or $5 million for cancellation fee, these
are direct flows into government coffers, no questions asked.
Whilst this stranglehold on Burma’s most lucrative sector continues,
citizens remain in the dark as to how the great wealth that accrues
from their natural resources is spent. Politics may be slowly changing
in Burma. But so long as it controls the economic engine of the
extractive industries, the government – not the Burmese people – will
continue to decide Burma’s future.
The IMF hint at the need for reform, placing a caveat on their growth
predictions: Burma’s GDP is forecast to grow at 6% next year “if it
pursues necessary reforms to take advantage of its rich natural
resources”, said [59]Meral Karasulu, IMF mission chief for Myanmar.
But I don’t think it’s enough for the IMF to recommend reforms that
simply ‘take advantage’ of natural resources. As Burma steps
tentatively towards a new chapter in its history, it must put the
extractive industries at the centre of governance reforms. Aung San Suu
Kyi emphasised the importance of transparency and accountability
following the 2010 elections, and highlighted the crucial role it plays
in fostering good governance of Burma’s natural resources (at [60]5:50
mins): “It is because the public does not know what is happening to the
revenues that we can’t do anything about using them more effectively…
what we’ve always said is that there should be transparency and
accountability to make sure that whatever deals there are, that they
are to be to the profit, the benefit of the people”.
There are [61]growing calls for the EITI to be introduced in Burma, and
this would surely be a sensible step. Leading economist Joseph Stiglitz
made clear his support for the EITI in Burma during a recent visit,
arguing that the process would ensure that the “revenues that belong to
the people, go to the people.” Hanna Hindstrom from Democratic Voice of
Burma put forward [62]the case for EITI in Burma forcibly on the eve of
the April 2012 elections: “If Burma truly hopes to embrace democracy,
let alone become the ‘next economic frontier of Asia,’ transparency
must be placed at the heart of its agenda. The EITI both can, and must,
form part of that process.”
Following her [63]visit to Burma at the end of 2011, EITI Policy
Advisor Dyyeke Rogan said that in a small step towards change,
ministers are starting to discuss the prospect of accounting for
natural resource revenues. “We have to account for the money,
particularly the revenue from sale of gas”, said U Win Tun, Minister
for Environmental Conservation and Forestry.
The political landscape of Burma is changing, and economic momentum is
generating hope that Burma’s dark days are over. But for as long as the
government’s grip on the extractive industries continues, the chances
of revenues from natural resources being used in an equitable fashion
remain slim. The time is right for the IMF, international community and
Burmese civil society to push the idea of extractive industry
transparency and provide thought leadership on how we might achieve
this in the context of Burma.
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Relations with Myanmar
Less thunder out of China
China has been stung by a sudden reversal of fortune in its own back yard
Oct 6th 2012 | BEIJING AND RUILI |[99]From the print edition
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VISITORS to the showroom of the “Everything is Good” jade company in
the Chinese border town of Ruili are swiftly steered towards one
particular lump of black rock among many thousands on display. It looks
innocuous enough, but a small slash on one side, revealing a
translucent green and purple interior, betrays its true worth: this is
the highest-quality jade from Myanmar, and to discerning Chinese
customers that means the best in the world. The price tag is $1.2m.
There are hundreds of such shops in Ruili, many of them turning the
jade into ordinary bracelets and pendants, valued as lucky charms by
Chinese shoppers. For the Chinese, it is just good business; selling
the stones, fossils and wood of Myanmar. To many Burmese, however, it
represents nothing less than the plunder of their country. Since
Myanmar was subjected to Western economic sanctions in the mid-1990s,
China has had virtually a free rein. The booming economy of Ruili is
testimony to that. But the Burmese grumble that whereas the Chinese
businessmen of Yunnan have made fortunes marking up their imports,
often in collusion with corrupt Burmese officials, most Burmese have
benefited little from the cross-border trade.
In this section
* [101]The state advances
* [102]Happening
* Less thunder out of China
[103]Reprints
Related topics
* [104]Government and politics
* [105]Politics
* [106]Myanmar
* [107]World politics
* [108]Asia-Pacific politics
None of this used to matter much until the stirrings of political
reform in Myanmar. Together with trade, the other traditional Chinese
interest along their border has been stability. The Chinese authorities
have long sought to contain spillover from battles between the armed
militias of the Kachin and Karen ethnic groups and the Myanmar
government; they have also tried to stop the flow of drugs from
neighbouring Shan state into China. The recent high-profile trial of a
Shan drug lord, Naw Kham, in Kunming, the capital of Yunnan province,
demonstrates how seriously the Chinese authorities take this threat,
and how influential they have become in the region. But in focusing on
these issues, the Chinese missed the bigger picture of how resentments
were building towards their presence in, and economic exploitation of,
Myanmar. The result is that what the Chinese took to be a solid,
mutually beneficial relationship with the Burmese has exploded in their
faces—with long-term consequences for Myanmar, the balance of power in
South-East Asia and the whole way that China does business with poorer
countries.
Zhu Feng, a professor of international relations at Peking University,
says that the “alarm bells started ringing” for the Chinese over
Myanmar with the abrupt suspension of the Myitsone dam project just
over a year ago. Costing $3.6 billion, this was the largest of several
dams that Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) were building on the
Irrawaddy river in Kachin state. The Chinese had assumed that such
development work would be welcomed by the Burmese. To many Burmese,
however, Myitsone came to represent everything that they hate about the
unequal terms of trade between resource-rich Myanmar and its
resource-hungry neighbour. Villages were to be displaced and land
flooded to make way for the dam, yet most of the electricity was
earmarked to go to China, leaving the local Kachin people little better
off than before.
Thus when the new Burmese president, Thein Sein, suspended construction
of the dam, at one stroke he asserted his credentials in Myanmar as a
man prepared to listen to his own people and stand up to the
exploitative Chinese. It was an astute domestic political move and a
milestone in the country’s unfolding reform programme. Scholars and
officials in China, however, still talk of their “shock” and “surprise”
at a decision for which they were utterly unprepared and which they are
still trying to digest.
In retrospect, explains Mr Zhu, the Chinese mistake in Myanmar was to
focus only on building relationships with government officials, without
paying any attention to “domestic political nuances”. Thus China missed
the vital shifts in policies, words and political thinking that they
might have picked up had they listened to voices other than the
government’s and engaged the country at a local level. This was stupid,
says Mr Zhu: “It’s a big lesson, and we have to learn from it.”
This lack of political antennae on the ground is, perhaps, inevitable
given the standard Chinese policy of “non-interference” in other
countries’ internal affairs. Too often, it seems, this merely
encourages wilful ignorance—which is, indeed, much in evidence in
Ruili. The local Chinese know almost nothing about Myanmar, other than
the fact that it is poor and, they believe, dangerous.
Be nicer
As one Chinese expert on the country’s aid policy, Zhang Xiaomin of
Beijing Foreign Studies University, points out, China has already run
into some of these issues in Africa. But their experience in Myanmar
has really crystallised the problem, he says. As a result, the Chinese
government is now telling businesses—especially SOEs—operating overseas
to be more respectful of local customs and people, and to invest more
in what Westerners would call corporate social responsibility. Thus,
for instance, the China National Petroleum Corporation, which is
building a controversial oil pipeline across Myanmar from the west
coast to the border at Ruili (and then on into China), is now building
lots of schools in villages near the pipeline.
The Chinese are largely right in this analysis of what went wrong in
Myanmar, but it is not the whole story. The Burmese also complained
that for all the roads and bridges constructed, the Chinese were
unable, or unwilling, to provide other, more sophisticated, services
such as banking or advice on issues such as government administration,
the sort of soft-power issues at which Western countries excel.
Indeed, for many Chinese foreign-policy experts the other worrying
aspect of China’s stumble in Myanmar is that Beijing’s loss has been
Washington’s gain. In an era of renewed tension between America and
China in the region, Myanmar’s recent opening up is thus usually
interpreted by these experts as a tilt towards the West, all part of
America’s “pivot” towards Asia. Indeed, the more conspiratorial-minded
Chinese ascribe the changes in Myanmar entirely to the machinations of
a resurgent America determined to contain the rise of China. A further
concern, as another Chinese expert puts it, is that a democratic
movement in Myanmar would, in some way, “influence the situation in
China”.
All in all, the democratic transformation of Myanmar has been a searing
experience for the Chinese government. At least, however, they look set
to draw some lessons from it all.
[109]From the print edition: China
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TOPIC: [122]Myanmar »
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[85]Asia
Supporting Women And Girls In Burma
The Abbott Fund has announced a $1 million partnership with the
Secretary’s Fund to support grassroots organizations in Burma.
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Burmese women pack tobacco inside a local cigar factory at the
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07/30/2012
A generation of young women in Burma is energized and optimistic about
recent political transitions. This was the report from U.S.
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues Melanne Verveer upon her
return from the country recently.
“Many of the young women have started or are participating in NGOs
advocating civic activism and social entrepreneurship,” she said. “They
were impressive in their independent thinking and can-do spirit.
They’ve become increasingly empowered to embrace their rights, whether
in the home, the workplace, in community and political activities or at
the university.”
Women in Burma can look forward to some help in their efforts thanks to
a new public-private partnership through U.S. Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton’s International Fund for Women and Girls. The Abbott
Fund, a global, non-profit philanthropic foundation, has announced a $1
million partnership with the Secretary’s Fund to support grassroots
organizations that are working to advance health, education and
economic opportunity for women in Burma.
All partnership funding will be provided to Burmese organizations
staffed by the people of Burma. Funding will provide medical care for
women and girls. It will also fund programs to improve health awareness
and provide preventive treatment. Other focuses will include education
and training as well as expanding economic opportunities for women.
"Through decades of challenges, the people of Burma have developed a
resilient and resourceful civil society," said Ambassador Verveer. "By
supporting existing grassroots organizations, this public-private
partnership with the Abbott Fund will help build the capacity of local
organizations and communities to drive progress and development for
women."
The Secretary's International Fund for Women and Girls furthers the
Obama administration’s initiatives to build partnerships with
philanthropic organizations, global businesses and civil society to
address global needs. The fund is a State Department-led
privately-funded initiative committed to providing flexible, rapid,
targeted, and high-impact grants to nongovernmental organizations
working to meet the critical needs of women and girls around the
world.
“Burma’s democratic future is a work in progress,” said Ambassador
Verveer. “Today we have an historic opportunity to help the people of
Burma to realize a better future.”
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Comment Sorting[Latest First_]
Comments
by: PRANAV C
08/02/2012 7:23 AM
[112]Report Comment
Yes we have a best opportunity to help the people of Burma do our
maximum
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Liens visibles
1. file://localhost/rss/
2. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/103.html
3. http://www.voanews.com/
4. http://learningenglish.voanews.com/
5. http://www.zeriamerikes.com/
6. http://www.vijestiglasaamerike.com/
7. http://gr.voanews.com/
8. http://mk.voanews.com/
9. http://www.glasamerike.net/
10. http://www.chastime.com/
11. http://www.amerikayidzayn.com/
12. http://www.amerikaninsesi.org/
13. http://www.voanews.com/georgian
14. http://www.golos-ameriki.ru/
15. http://www.amerikaovozi.com/
16. http://www.burmese.voanews.com/
17. http://www.voacantonese.com/
18. http://www.voachinese.com/
19. http://www.voaindonesia.com/
20. http://www.khmer.voanews.com/
21. http://www.voacambodia.com/
22. http://www.voakorea.com/
23. http://lao.voanews.com/
24. http://www.voathai.com/
25. http://www.voatibetan.com/
26. http://www.voatibetanenglish.com/
27. http://www.voatiengviet.com/
28. http://www.voabangla.com/
29. http://www.darivoa.com/
30. http://www.pashtovoa.com/
31. http://www.voadeewaradio.com/
32. http://www.urduvoa.com/
33. http://www.voaafaanoromoo.com/
34. http://www.amharic.voanews.com/
35. http://www.lavoixdelamerique.com/
36. http://www.voahausa.com/
37. http://www.radiyoyacuvoa.com/
38. http://www.radiyoyacuvoa.com/
39. http://www.voandebele.com/
40. http://www.voaportugues.com/
41. http://www.voashona.com/
42. http://www.voasomali.com/
43. http://www.voaswahili.com/
44. http://www.tigrigna.voanews.com/
45. http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
46. http://ir.voanews.com/
47. http://www.dengiamerika.com/
48. http://www.dengeamerika.com/
49. http://www.amerikaninsesi.com/
50. http://www.voanouvel.com/
51. http://www.voanoticias.com/
52. file://localhost/
53. file://localhost/login.html
54. file://localhost/signup.html
55. file://localhost/logout.html
56. http://editorials.voa.gov/
57. javascript:void(0);
58. file://localhost/archive/africa/latest/3229/3229.html
59. file://localhost/archive/americas/latest/3230/3230.html
60. file://localhost/archive/asia/latest/3231/3231.html
61. file://localhost/archive/europe/latest/3236/3236.html
62. file://localhost/archive/middle-east/latest/3241/3241.html
63. javascript:void(0);
64. file://localhost/section/human-rights/3287.html
65. file://localhost/section/security-defense/3288.html
66. file://localhost/section/democracy-governance/3291.html
67. file://localhost/section/aid-development/3289.html
68. file://localhost/section/economy-trade/3290.html
69. file://localhost/section/environment-health/3281.html
70. file://localhost/section/rewards-for-fugitives/3304.html
71. file://localhost/archive/video/latest/3246/3246.html
72. file://localhost/archive/policy-brief/latest/3246/3304.html
73. file://localhost/archive/punto-de-vista/latest/3246/3305.html
74. file://localhost/archive/view-from-washington/latest/3246/3306.html
75. file://localhost/archive/rewards-for-fugitives/latest/3246/3307.html
76. file://localhost/info/about_us/1790.html
77. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/103.html#audio_menu
78. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/103.html#itv_menu
79. file://localhost/media/all/latest.html?z=3304
80. file://localhost/media/all/latest.html?z=3304
81. file://localhost/media/all/latest.html?z=3306
82. file://localhost/media/all/latest.html?z=3306
83. file://localhost/media/all/latest.html?z=3305
84. file://localhost/media/all/latest.html?z=3305
85. file://localhost/archive/asia/latest/3231/3231.html
86. file://localhost/articleprintview/1493079.html
87. http://editorials.voa.gov/emailtofriend/article/1493079.html
88. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/103.html#relatedInfoContainer
89. javascript:sharelinkOver('share_moreTop')
90. http://del.icio.us/post?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&title=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+¬es=The+Abbott+Fund+has+announced+a+%241+million+partnership+with+the+Secretary%e2%80%99s+Fund+to+support+grassroots+organizations+in+Burma.
91. http://www.google.com/bookmarks/mark?op=edit&bkmk=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&title=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+&annotation=The+Abbott+Fund+has+announced+a+%241+million+partnership+with+the+Secretary%e2%80%99s+Fund+to+support+grassroots+organizations+in+Burma.
92. https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&text=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+
93. http://www.facebook.com/sharer.php?s=100&p[title]=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+&p[url]=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&p[summary]=The+Abbott+Fund+has+announced+a+%241+million+partnership+with+the+Secretary%e2%80%99s+Fund+to+support+grassroots+organizations+in+Burma.&p[images][0]=http%3a%2f%2fgdb.voanews.com%2f2BFDB6BF-D459-4366-9AA3-4678F7B663AF_w150.jpg
94. file://localhost/sharing_help.html
95. http://twitter.com/share
96. http://pinterest.com/pin/create/button/?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&description=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+&media=http%3a%2f%2fgdb.voanews.com%2f2BFDB6BF-D459-4366-9AA3-4678F7B663AF.jpg
97. file://localhost/audio/Audio/205856.html
98. javascript:opened=winOpened(); if (!opened) window.__playerWindow = window.open(winUrl(4,'205856',false),winName(),winSettings); winSetup(4,'205856',false, opened);
99. javascript:decreaseFontSize();
100. javascript:increaseFontSize();
101. file://localhost/articleprintview/1493079.html
102. http://editorials.voa.gov/emailtofriend/article/1493079.html
103. file://localhost/home/elfe/PROJET-MOT-SUR-LE-WEB/PAGES-ASPIREES/103.html#relatedInfoContainer
104. javascript:sharelinkOver('share_moreBottom')
105. http://del.icio.us/post?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&title=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+¬es=The+Abbott+Fund+has+announced+a+%241+million+partnership+with+the+Secretary%e2%80%99s+Fund+to+support+grassroots+organizations+in+Burma.
106. http://www.google.com/bookmarks/mark?op=edit&bkmk=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&title=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+&annotation=The+Abbott+Fund+has+announced+a+%241+million+partnership+with+the+Secretary%e2%80%99s+Fund+to+support+grassroots+organizations+in+Burma.
107. https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&text=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+
108. http://www.facebook.com/sharer.php?s=100&p[title]=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+&p[url]=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&p[summary]=The+Abbott+Fund+has+announced+a+%241+million+partnership+with+the+Secretary%e2%80%99s+Fund+to+support+grassroots+organizations+in+Burma.&p[images][0]=http%3a%2f%2fgdb.voanews.com%2f2BFDB6BF-D459-4366-9AA3-4678F7B663AF_w150.jpg
109. file://localhost/sharing_help.html
110. http://twitter.com/share
111. http://pinterest.com/pin/create/button/?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&description=Supporting+Women+And+Girls+In+Burma+&media=http%3a%2f%2fgdb.voanews.com%2f2BFDB6BF-D459-4366-9AA3-4678F7B663AF.jpg
112. javascript:void showReport(169276,true);
113. file://localhost/content/us-steps-up-aid-to-mali/1591179.html
114. file://localhost/content/us-steps-up-aid-to-mali/1591179.html
115. file://localhost/content/protecting-biodiversity-in-laos/1591089.html
116. file://localhost/content/protecting-biodiversity-in-laos/1591089.html
117. file://localhost/content/us-japan-alliance-remains-cornerstone/1590413.html
118. file://localhost/content/us-japan-alliance-remains-cornerstone/1590413.html
119. file://localhost/content/women-digital-development/1589544.html
120. file://localhost/content/women-digital-development/1589544.html
121. file://localhost/content/four-years-of-progress-in-africa/1589521.html
122. file://localhost/content/four-years-of-progress-in-africa/1589521.html
123. file://localhost/content/us-committed-to-nato/1589073.html
124. file://localhost/content/us-committed-to-nato/1589073.html
125. file://localhost/content/rice-on-counter-terrorism/1589014.html
126. file://localhost/content/rice-on-counter-terrorism/1589014.html
127. file://localhost/content/crackdown-on-dissent-continues-in-vietnam/1588060.html
128. file://localhost/content/crackdown-on-dissent-continues-in-vietnam/1588060.html
129. file://localhost/Podcast/0.html
130. file://localhost/rsspage.aspx
131. file://localhost/subscribe.aspx
132. file://localhost/m/
133. file://localhost/archive/africa/latest/3229/3229.html
134. file://localhost/archive/americas/latest/3230/3230.html
135. file://localhost/archive/asia/latest/3231/3231.html
136. file://localhost/archive/europe/latest/3236/3236.html
137. file://localhost/archive/middle-east/latest/3241/3241.html
138. file://localhost/section/human-rights/3287.html
139. file://localhost/section/security-defense/3288.html
140. file://localhost/section/democracy-governance/3291.html
141. file://localhost/section/aid-development/3289.html
142. file://localhost/section/economy-trade/3290.html
143. file://localhost/section/environment-health/3281.html
144. file://localhost/archive/policy-brief/latest/3246/3304.html
145. file://localhost/archive/punto-de-vista/latest/3246/3305.html
146. file://localhost/archive/view-from-washington/latest/3246/3306.html
147. file://localhost/archive/rewards-for-fugitives/latest/3246/3307.html
148. file://localhost/section/rewards-for-fugitives/3304.html
149. http://editorials.voa.gov/content/al-shabaab-fugitive/1492457.html
150. http://del.icio.us/post?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&title=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma%20¬es=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma
151. http://digg.com/submit?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&title=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma%20&bodytext=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma
152. http://www.facebook.com/sharer.php?s=100&p[title]=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma%20&p[url]=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&p[summary]=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma%20&p[images][0]=%encode-image%
153. http://www.google.com/bookmarks/mark?op=edit&bkmk=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&title=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma%20&annotation=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma
154. http://www.newsvine.com/_tools/seed&save?popoff=0&u=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&h=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma
155. http://reddit.com/submit?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&title=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma
156. http://www.stumbleupon.com/submit?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&title=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma
157. https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=http%3a%2f%2feditorials.voa.gov%2fcontent%2fsupporting-women-and-girls-in-burma--164460276%2f1493079.html&text=Supporting%20Women%20And%20Girls%20In%20Burma
Liens cachés :
159. file://localhost/archive/asia/latest/3231/3231.html
160. http://gdb.voanews.com/2BFDB6BF-D459-4366-9AA3-4678F7B663AF_mw1024_n_s.jpg
161. http://editorials.voa.gov/section/rewards-for-fugitives/3304.html
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